Far Right Parties in Europe

Golder, Matt

doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-042814-012441

Cited by 509 publications

(390 citation statements)

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“…The literature linking success of radical right-wing parties to macroeconomic problems has produced rather mixed results (Golder 2016), but this might differ for the radical left (March & Rommerskirchen 2015). Isolating causal factors on the country level is, of course, difficult in this setup.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Such discourses, which pit 'ordinary people' against the selfish and morally corrupted elite in a stylised friend-foe dichotomy, have recently gained salience in most Western democracies (Judis 2016;Müller 2016). While social problems are sometimes discussed as motivations to support such parties (Arzheimer 2009;Golder 2016), we are interested in how their discourses influence political involvement among the poor (even if they do not vote for them). European examples include parties such as Front National, Jobbik, the Sweden Democrats or the Freedom Parties in Austria and the Netherlands.…”

Section: Can Anti-elite Rhetoric Decrease Income Gaps In Efficacy?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Anti‐elite parties and political inequality: How challenges to the political mainstream reduce income gaps in internal efficacy

Marx

Nguyen

2018

European J Political Res

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There is growing interest in political inequality across income groups. This article contributes to this debate with two arguments about political involvement: poverty depresses internal political efficacy by undermining cognitive and emotional resources; and dissent in the party system reduces the efficacy gap to higher incomes. Specifically, conflict is to be expected between anti‐elite and mainstream parties to simplify political decisions and stimulate political attention among poor voters. These arguments are supported with comparative and experimental analyses. Comparative survey data shows that the income gap in efficacy varies with a novel measure of the anti‐elite salience in the party system. The causal impact of anti‐elite rhetoric is established though a representative survey experiment. Finally, the article investigates how these mechanisms affect both electoral and other forms of political participation.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Can Anti-elite Rhetoric Decrease Income Gaps In Efficacy?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Anti‐elite parties and political inequality: How challenges to the political mainstream reduce income gaps in internal efficacy

Marx

Nguyen

2018

European J Political Res

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“…This is because voters are more likely to reject moderate parties and turn to more extreme parties when they perceive the state of the world to be particularly bad (King et al, 2013). Radical parties in Europe, for example, propose 'root and branch' reform of the political and economic system and many adopt populist rhetoric that holds all moderate parties responsible for society's ills (Mudde, 2007;Golder, 2016). These parties do not just want voters to punish the incumbent, they want voters to abandon the mainstream parties altogether.…”

Section: Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

It’s Not Only What you Say, It’s Also How You Say It: The Strategic Use of Campaign Sentiment

Crabtree¹,

Golder²,

Gschwend³

et al. 2018

Preprint

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What explains the type of electoral campaign run by political parties? We provide a new perspective on campaigns that focuses on the strategic use of emotive language. We argue that the level of positive sentiment parties adopt in their campaigns depends on their incumbency status, their policy position, and objective economic conditions. We test these claims with a novel dataset that captures the emotive language used in over 400 party manifestos across eight European countries. As predicted, we find that incumbent parties, particularly incumbent prime ministerial parties, use more positive sentiment than opposition parties. We find that ideologically moderate parties employ higher levels of positive sentiment than extremist parties. And we find that all parties exhibit lower levels of positive sentiment when the economy is performing poorly but that this negative effect is weaker for incumbents. Our analysis has important implications for research on campaign strategies and retrospective voting. (Downs, 1957;Ansolabehere and Snyder, 2000; Schofield, 2003;Adams, 2001;Adams, Merrill and Grofman, 2005;Adams, Scheiner and Kawasumi, 2016). The second dimension captures campaign focus -whether parties adopt campaign messages that focus on themselves or their opponents (Skaperdas and Grofman, 1995;Lau and Pomper, 2002;Geer, 2006;Elmelund-Praestekaer, 2008Hansen and Pedersen, 2008). One aspect of campaigns that is ignored in this two-dimensional framework is campaign sentiment, which refers to the emotive content of campaigns. Whereas campaign content and campaign focus address what parties say and who they say it about, campaign sentiment addresses how they say it.Scholars are increasingly looking at how the emotive content of campaign messages affects voter behavior Roseman, Abelson and Ewing, 1986;Weber, Searles and Ridout, 2011;Utych, 2018). The common thread in this literature is that voters are not merely influenced by the substantive content of campaigns but also by their emotive content. Studies have repeatedly shown that electoral campaigns can be manipulated to trigger emotional responses that, in turn, produce predictable changes in voter behavior. This raises a natural question. If campaign sentiment influences voter behavior, political actors should be strategic about its use. Are they? To date, there has been little research that explicitly looks at the strategic use of emotion in election campaigns. What research there is tends to focus on the historically majoritarian systems in the United States and the United Kingdom (Ridout and Searles, 2011; Kosmidis et al., Forthcoming). 1 In this article, we examine the strategic use of emotive language in European election campaigns.Studies that look at emotion in campaigns often focus on the use of images and music . However, language can also engender different types of sentiment, such as fear, anxiety, sadness, or optimism (Roseman, Abelson and Ewing, 1986;Pennebaker, 1993;Pennebaker and Francis, 1996). We build on a long tradition that emphasizes...

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“…Similar to these explanations of right-wing movements, research on radical right political parties that has focused on their emergence and growth (for recent overviews on the scholarship on radical right parties, see e.g. Golder, 2016;Muis and Immerzeel, 2016) has also stressed the importance of the specific personality traits of right-wing leaders and of the value orientations of their supporters (e.g. levels of trust in representative institutions, xenophobia, orientation towards immigration; see Norris, 2005;Rydgren, 2012).…”

Section: Who Mobilizes On the Radical Right? When Individual Values Amentioning

confidence: 99%

Radical right-wing movements: Who, when, how and why?

Caiani¹

2017

Sociopedia

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This article provides an overview of the existing research on the causes of radical right-wing movements, a topic often neglected in the literature in comparison with the academic attention paid to radical right political parties and elections. It illustrates individual, organizational and contextual explanations for the emergence and mobilization (including violence) of right-wing movements in Europe and beyond, providing comparative empirical studies and data as illustration. The article concludes by discussing possible future directions for right-wing movement research.keywords far right ◆ individual, meso-level and macro-level factors ◆ political mobilization ◆ radical right violence ◆ radical right-wing movements

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Far Right Parties in Europe

Cited by 509 publications

References 78 publications

Anti‐elite parties and political inequality: How challenges to the political mainstream reduce income gaps in internal efficacy

Anti‐elite parties and political inequality: How challenges to the political mainstream reduce income gaps in internal efficacy

It’s Not Only What you Say, It’s Also How You Say It: The Strategic Use of Campaign Sentiment

Radical right-wing movements: Who, when, how and why?

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