Family, kinship and welfare provision in Europe, past and present: commonalities and divergences

Abstract

The realization that European family forms are failing to converge as predicted by modernization theory has led many scholars to suspect that the broad regional differences detected by historians persist in the present and are likely to influence future developments. This article outlines some relevant hypotheses prompted by historical studies about the role of family and kinship as sources of social security and analyses the results of comparative work on contemporary Europe, paying special attention to the relative weight of cultural and structural factors. Although differences still appear to predominate over commonalities, it is not inconceivable that in certain important respects European countries might paradoxically converge, owing to the generalized decline of the welfare state, towards forms of welfare provision that are closer to the ‘familialistic’ models of southern and eastern Europe than to the ‘modern’ models of Scandinavia and north-western Europe.

Living arrangements, intergenerational support types and older adult loneliness in Eastern and Western Europe

“…In individualistic countries, independent constructions of self are prevalent, and definitions of intimacy emphasize "disclosure of personal experience and feelings" (Adams et al 2004: 324-325). The more interdependent cultural values are typical of Southern and Eastern Europe, whereas the more independent cultural values are typical of Western and Northern Europe (see also Höllinger and Haller 1990;Viazzo 2010). In Eastern Europe, relationships with adult children are driven by more binding mutual obligations, and older adults expect to continue to care for their offspring, if possible, and to be cared for by their offspring, in case of need.…”

How demographic patterns and social policies shape interdependence among lives in the family realm

“…Countries differ greatly in their understanding of "proper" cross-generational family relations (Viazzo, 2010), and the ways in which their state mechanisms influence linked lives. Policies and laws create, assume, reinforce, block and lighten connections between the lives of parents, children, grandparents, and grandchildren.…”

The Interplay of Family Systems, Social Networks and Fertility in Europe Cohorts Born Between 1920 and 1960

“…In these regions, large family size more easily translates into a lower social status for the offspring generation since the burden of raising children is not moderated by the welfare state (Dalla Zuanna 2007, 451). Regions without a well-developed welfare state are also often characterized by strong family systems, with close-knit social networks, through which parents more effectively control their offspring's fertility (Granovetter 2005, 34, 39-40;Dalla Zuanna 2007, 452-453;Viazzo 2010b;Albertini & Kohli 2013). Although parents may rely on a pool of adult kin who could support and supervise children (Shavit & Pierce 1991, 328), social support is often limited to the co-residential unit (Albertini & Kohli 2013, 836), and is not necessarily linked to higher fertility (Jappens & Van Bavel 2012, 108-109).…”

“…To explain the differences, researchers have drawn on economic factors (Becker & Barro 1988) and cultural factors (Lesthaeghe & Neels 2002, 349-351;Dalla Zuanna 2007, 442) and also on differences in family systems (Macfarlane 1981;Micheli 2005, 80;Viazzo 2010aViazzo , 2010b. Studies of the effects of family systems on fertility are rare and often limited to broad classes of family systems and to specific regions or countries (Davis 1955;Burch & Gendell 1970;Hajnal 1982;Das Gupta 1999, 181;Veleti 2001;Micheli 2005).…”