Extrinsic Value Orientation and Affective Forecasting: Overestimating the Rewards, Underestimating the Costs

Sheldon, Kennon M.; Gunz, Alexander; Nichols, Charles P.; Ferguson, Yuna L.

doi:10.1111/j.1467-6494.2009.00612.x

Cited by 97 publications

(73 citation statements)

References 53 publications

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“…(a) The article did not include empirical data: Ariely, Huber, and Wertenbroch (2005); Elwyn and Miron-Shatz (2010); Johnson, Steffel, and Goldstein (2005); Loewenstein (1996Loewenstein ( , 2001Loewenstein ( , 2005Loewenstein ( , 2007; Loewenstein and Schkade (1999); MacInnis and Patrick (2006); Rachman and Bichard (1988); E. R. Smith and Mackie (2009) ;Zeelenberg, van Dijk, Manstead, and van der Pligt (2000). (b) The article did not report both forecasted and experienced emotion: Ariely and Loewenstein (2000); Bacova and Juskova (2009); Baron (1992); Bosson, Pinel, and Vandello (2010) ;Buehler, McFarland, Spyropoulos, and Lam (2007); DeWall and Baumeister (2006) ;Dillard, Fagerlin, Dal Cin, Zikmund-Fisher, and Ubel (2010) ;Falk, Dunn, and Norenzayan (2010); Gaunt, Sindic, and Leyens (2005); Geers and Lassiter (1999) ;Gilbert, Gill, and Wilson (2002) ;Golub, Gilbert, and Wilson (2009) ;Griffin, Dunning, and Ross (1990); Hartnett and Skowronski (2008);Igou (2004Igou ( , 2008; Kassam, Gilbert, Boston, and Wilson (2008) Sheldon, Gunz, Nichols, and Ferguson (2010); Sweeny and Shepperd (2010) ;…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Accuracy and artifact: Reexamining the intensity bias in affective forecasting.

Levine

Lench

Kaplan

et al. 2012

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

168

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Research on affective forecasting shows that people have a robust tendency to overestimate the intensity of future emotion. We hypothesized that (a) people can accurately predict the intensity of their feelings about events and (b) a procedural artifact contributes to people's tendency to overestimate the intensity of their feelings in general. People may misinterpret the forecasting question as asking how they will feel about a focal event, but they are later asked to report their feelings in general without reference to that event. In the current investigation, participants predicted and reported both their feelings in general and their feelings about an election outcome (Study 1) and an exam grade (Study 3). We also assessed how participants interpreted forecasting questions (Studies 2 and 4) and conducted a meta-analysis of affective forecasting research (Study 5). The results showed that participants accurately predicted the intensity of their feelings about events. They overestimated only when asked to predict how they would feel in general and later report their feelings without reference to the focal event. Most participants, however, misinterpreted requests to predict their feelings in general as asking how they would feel when they were thinking about the focal event. Clarifying the meaning of the forecasting question significantly reduced overestimation. These findings reveal that people have more sophisticated self-knowledge than is commonly portrayed in the affective forecasting literature. Overestimation of future emotion is partly due to a procedure in which people predict one thing but are later asked to report another.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Accuracy and artifact: Reexamining the intensity bias in affective forecasting.

Levine

Lench

Kaplan

et al. 2012

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

168

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…In contrast, people focusing strongly on extrinsic goals make themselves dependent on the circumstances of the time and society in which they were born and may even become prisoners of such things as fashion, status symbols, leisure activities and so forth. Sheldon et al (2010) documented that some people overestimate the emotional benefits of achieving extrinsic goals compared to their potential detriment. It seems that these people hold apparently misguided lay theories of happiness.…”

Section: Figurementioning

confidence: 99%

Aspirations and Well-Being: Extrinsic vs. Intrinsic Life Goals

Rijavec¹,

Brdar

Miljković³

2011

Drustvena istrazivanja

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The present study explored whether participants can be classified into groups according to their intrinsic and extrinsic life goals and how these groups differ in satisfaction of basic psychological needs and well-being. Four questionnaires were administered to 835 college students: Aspiration Index , The Basic Psychological Needs Scale (Gagnè, 2003), Subjective Vitality Scale (Ryan and Frederick, 1997) and The Satisfaction with Life Scale (Diener at al., 1985). K-Means cluster analysis was used to classify individuals on the basis of their life aspirations: importance, present attainment and likelihood of future attainment. The same four-cluster solution was obtained for all three measures. The first cluster included individuals high on extrinsic and low on intrinsic life goals. The second contained students high on intrinsic and low on extrinsic aspirations. The third group included students with high scores on both intrinsic and extrinsic goals, and the fourth those with low scores on both kinds of goals. The group with high scores on both intrinsic and extrinsic goals had the highest scores on measures of well-being, followed by the group with high intrinsic and low extrinsic aspirations. These two groups had also higher values for all basic psychological needs compared to groups with low scores on intrinsic values. These findings suggest that both intrinsic and extrinsic goals can contribute to well-being.

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“…Extrinsic goals seem to have an addictive feature because people believe that such goals will bring need satisfaction and happiness, a phenomenon referred to as affective forecasting (Sheldon, Gunz, Nichols, & Ferguson, 2010). However, people rarely feel capable of fully realizing their extrinsic goals and, even if they do, the accomplishment of such goals brings short-lived rather than deep and long-lasting satisfaction.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

When Is Identity Congruent with the Self? A Self-Determination Theory Perspective

Soenens

Vansteenkiste

2011

Handbook of Identity Theory and Research

166

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Within the identity literature, self and identity are often used as interchangeable terms. By contrast, in Self-Determination Theory (SDT; Ryan & Deci, 2003) both terms have a differentiated meaning and it is maintained that identities may vary in the extent to which they are congruent with the basic growth tendencies of the self that are fueled by the basic psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Specifically, the level of congruence between identities and the self is said to depend on (a) the motives underlying one's identity commitments (i.e., pressure versus volition) and (b) the content of the goals defining one's identity (i.e., extrinsic versus intrinsic). It is argued in SDT that both the motives and the goals behind one's identity are important for optimal functioning because of their linkage with basic need satisfaction. This chapter (a) compares the SDT view on identity development with prevailing models of identity formation, and with constructivist models of identity in particular, and (b) reviews research relevant to the idea that identities need to be congruent with the self in order to foster well-being and adjustment.

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Extrinsic Value Orientation and Affective Forecasting: Overestimating the Rewards, Underestimating the Costs

Cited by 97 publications

References 53 publications

Accuracy and artifact: Reexamining the intensity bias in affective forecasting.

Accuracy and artifact: Reexamining the intensity bias in affective forecasting.

Aspirations and Well-Being: Extrinsic vs. Intrinsic Life Goals

When Is Identity Congruent with the Self? A Self-Determination Theory Perspective

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