Existing Legal Limits to Security Council Veto Power in the Face of Atrocity Crimes

Thoughts, analysis perspectives and critics of function of punishment in international criminal law

“…An armed international criminal justice where it would be difficult to save the fundamental objection of an ideology that undoubtedly establishes the legitimacy of the entire system. It will be difficult to foresee or assume to see members who are part of the Security Council of the United Nations (Trahan, 2020) or still signatory members of the StICC (Liakopoulos, 2020a) being prosecuted by the ICC. The insistence on the preventive perspective appears as an offer of a convenient tool in the hegemonic States that deliver justice to responsible citizens as less influential on an international level.…”

“…The general principle before the criminal political choices of international justice ends exponentially and awaits the jurisdiction of the ICC to the point of questioning the legal taxation as a dynamic of the process before the ICC (Nollez Goldbach, 2018). Dynamism of the provisions of the motu proprio criminal action through the Prosecutor and/or on referral of the Security Council of the UN (Vaid, 2013;Liakopoulos, 2020a;Trahan, 2020) seems to disavow this path of reconstruction. The only body that safeguards and guarantees peace is the ICC itself.…”

Moral Condemnation is Not Enough to Save Lives: What Drives Public Support for International Interventions?

“…In particular, future research may verify that this is a reliable relation with causality flowing from belief to support (rather than support for military interventions having an influence on the estimated chances for success). Future studies could also build on the work of Sagan and Valentino (2017;2019;2020) We admit that the null-results of the experiments need to be interpreted with caution, because there are several limitations linked to the design of our vignettes. First, one possible reason for not finding support for the hypotheses about the effects of cultural distance, public opinion, and cues from the authorities is that our vignettes were not convincing enough to successfully manipulate these factors.…”

“…Since the 2011 armed humanitarian intervention in Libya, China, and Russia have vetoed a number of United Nations Security Council resolutions regarding Syria, even as they have allowed numerous other resolutions to be passed (Welsh 2021: 233-235). This highlights both the impediments to acting through the Security Council when a state committing mass atrocities is a P5 member or has support from one (see Trahan 2020), and the role of individual states and their citizens in potentially acting outside of the UN Security Council. To the extent that public opinion has any influence on decision-makers in democratic states (aside from formal intergovernmental organizations), it can push for or deter from interventions abroad.…”

“…Second, we use representative samples from the Netherlands and Poland, which have different histories and traditions of military interventions and have not been studied in this context. We thus expand the field of study that heavily draws on either convenience samples or samples from the USA (Sagan and Valentino 2017;2019;2020;Press, Sagan, and Valentino 2013;Carpenter and Montgomery 2020). As the US can be considered an outlier because of its military, political, and economic position in international relations, it is important to test explanations of citizens' support for interventions in other populations.…”