Exclusiveness of civic nationalism: Euromaidan eventful nationalism in Ukraine

Zhuravlev, Oleg; Ishchenko, Volodymyr

doi:10.1080/1060586x.2020.1753460

Cited by 19 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…Nevertheless, there was no computational study of within-subject variation in language change during the protest to the best of our knowledge. We also confirm that the Ukrainian language was used strategically during the Euromaidan protest, which is in line with recent sociological studies which show the fluidity of linguistic behaviour and national identities of Ukrainians and simultaneously challenge the idea of ethnic mobilization [14,18,23].…”

Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 90%

“…Researchers have shown that the Euromaidan revolution was affected by national sentiments and national narratives, which itself are deeply connected with the national identities of Ukrainians, their personal language preferences, and support of language policies [14,15,16,4,17,18]. A study of the Ukrainian Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, forums, and news sites showed that those users who posted in the Ukrainian language were far more likely to express positive views about Euromaidan compared to those who posted in the Russian language [13].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Considering methodology, researchers of protests use a wide range of tools to register an actual change in individual behaviour. Some scholars employ ethnographic methods or qualitative interviews to address individual changes in language, gestures, clothes, and other symbolic clues [19,18,20,21]. Other scholars use largescale representative surveys to confirm that public attitudes can change over time in line with the protest agenda [22].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Longitudinal change in language behaviour during protests: A case study of Euromaidan in Ukraine

Slobozhan¹,

Brik²,

Sharma³

2021

Preprint

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In the last decade, online social media has become the primary platform for protesters to organize and express their agenda in various parts of the world. Nevertheless, scholars still debate whether online tools induce offline protests or facilitate them [1,2]. Unfortunately, studies of protests often lack panel data and cannot address how particular users change their behaviour over time in line with the protest agenda. To this end, we analyze a new dataset of the Facebook page EuroMaydan that was explicitly created to facilitate the protest in Ukraine from November 2013 to February 2014. Moreover, our analysis follows this page even after the end of the protest till June 2014. This page had more than 300,000 subscribers at the time when the data was collected. On average, this page generated hundreds of posts and thousands of comments per day, reaching up to 37,307 comments in one day. In total, the dataset includes 26,631 posts and 1,470,593 comments that were generated by 124,790 users during and after the protests. We use this panel data to test how particular users switch between the two most popular languages of this page: Ukrainian and Russian. Previous studies have puzzled with language behaviour during the Ukrainian protest [3,4]. Although researchers expected to see more Ukrainian language due to national mobilization, studies discovered that Ukrainian protesters frequently used Russian, especially after the end of the protest. A hypothesis was suggested that protesters use language strategically depending on circumstances (e.g., to maximize outreach). However, previous studies relied on aggregated data and did not explore the withinsubject variation of language behaviour. Our study adds to this scholarship by adding a longitudinal analysis of language behaviour. Considering the broader contribution of this paper, we add to the literature on protests by validating previous findings derived from surveys that activists change their behaviour to reflect prior preferences and situational goals rather than modify their preferences.

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Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 90%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Longitudinal change in language behaviour during protests: A case study of Euromaidan in Ukraine

Slobozhan¹,

Brik²,

Sharma³

2021

Preprint

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“…They promote campaigns and policies for free market, government accountability and curbing of the political power of Ukrainian oligarchic capital, which Western governments and lenders demanded of Ukraine as a condition of their support in the context of Ukraine’s double economic and military crisis after 2014. At the same time, the exclusionary character of post‐revolutionary nationalism among both liberals and their ‘national‐democratic’ allies, and the disproportionate adverse effect of liberal economic policies on poorer Ukrainians, have ensured that the liberals’ agenda lacks broad popular legitimacy (see Zhuravlev and Ishchenko 2020: 231–2; also Fedirko and Aryal 2020).…”

Section: Peripheral Liberalism In Ukrainementioning

confidence: 99%

Liberalism in fragments: oligarchy and the liberal subject in Ukrainian news journalism

Fedirko

2021

Soc Anthropol

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This article explores the place of liberal subjectivity in the professional culture of Ukrainian journalists to analyse how ideas originating in contexts of hegemonic liberalism at the core of the global capitalist system, are taken up on its postsocialist margins. I outline how certain Anglo‐American notions of good journalistic practice, which encode traits of liberal subjectivity, are borrowed and elaborated by a Western‐funded movement for an anti‐oligarchic liberal media reform in Ukraine. These ideals are then taken up within oligarch‐controlled media, a context that the reformers see as inimical to liberalism. Through an ethnographic portrait of an editor‐censor at a major oligarch‐owned TV channel in Ukraine, I analyse how these professional ideals simultaneously uphold oligarchic patronage and extend the reach of liberal politics in Ukraine. This reveals how in the force field of global capitalism both the reformers and those whom they seek to reform are part of the same, contradictory and fractured, liberal formation. I propose that to better understand cases like this, we need to learn to see liberalism in fragments: as always partial and incomplete and as constituted by multiple elements.

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“… 2. See description of the data collection and the informants’ profile in the Appendix B of the Supplementary material for Zhuravlev & Ishchenko (2020). …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Insufficiently diverse: The problem of nonviolent leverage and radicalization of Ukraine’s Maidan uprising, 2013–2014

Ishchenko

2020

Journal of Eurasian Studies

Self Cite

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The article explains the violent radicalization of the initially peaceful Maidan uprising in January 2014 as the result of failure to build efficient leverage against Viktor Yanukovych with nonviolent methods. Maidan lacked critical diversity of nonviolent tactics insofar as directly disruptive methods of noncooperation (e.g., strikes and boycott) remained small-scale and inefficient. The Maidan protest coalition primarily lacked social-organizational resources, i.e. authoritative civil society organizations and strong labor movement, for developing nonviolent leverage that was partially connected to gaps in ideological and regional diversity and partially to unfavorable structural conditions. However, radical nationalists actively participating in the protests possessed a unique combination of resources for initiating and diffusing efficient, coordinated, and strategic violence when it became legitimated by intensifying repressions and disillusionment in the incapacity of the oppositional political parties to propose an efficient strategy against the government. Violent radicalization facilitated geographical expansion of disruption via occupations of governmental buildings in western and central Ukrainian regions that the state was ultimately incapable of containing.

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Exclusiveness of civic nationalism: Euromaidan eventful nationalism in Ukraine

Cited by 19 publications

References 30 publications

Longitudinal change in language behaviour during protests: A case study of Euromaidan in Ukraine

Longitudinal change in language behaviour during protests: A case study of Euromaidan in Ukraine

Liberalism in fragments: oligarchy and the liberal subject in Ukrainian news journalism

Insufficiently diverse: The problem of nonviolent leverage and radicalization of Ukraine’s Maidan uprising, 2013–2014

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