#Euromaidan: Quantitative Analysis of Multilingual Framing 2013–2014 Ukrainian Protests on Twitter

Lyebyedyev, Yehor; Makhortykh, Mykola

doi:10.1109/dsmp.2018.8478462

Cited by 6 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 7 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…The importance of the language factor is attributed to the specific Ukrainian content, where the choice of a certain language is often viewed as an identity marker that makes it an important element of identity politics (Charnysh, 2013). It also aligns with existing observations on the significant difference in the way the events in Ukraine, in particular those related to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and its background, are presented in different language streams on SNSs (Etling, 2014;Lyebyedyev and Makhortykh, 2018). Consequently, we examine these three categories of factors -demographic, geographic and linguistic -to provide a more detailed assessment of possible predictors of the Ukrainian users' interest in partisan content.…”

Section: Theoretical Backgroundsupporting

confidence: 55%

There can be only one truth: Ideological segregation and online news communities in Ukraine

Urman

Makhortykh

2021

Global Media and Communication

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The paper examines ideological segregation among Ukrainian users in online environments, using as a case study partisan news communities on Vkontakte, the largest online platform in post-communist states. Its findings suggest that despite their insignificant numbers, partisan news communities attract substantial attention from Ukrainian users and can encourage the formation of isolated ideological cliques – or ‘echo chambers’ – that increase societal polarisation. The paper also investigates factors that predict users’ interest in partisan content and establishes that the region of residence is the key predictor of selective consumption of pro-Ukrainian or pro-Russian partisan news content.

show abstract

Section: Theoretical Backgroundsupporting

confidence: 55%

There can be only one truth: Ideological segregation and online news communities in Ukraine

Urman

Makhortykh

2021

Global Media and Communication

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Other researchers suggested that the narrative of Twitter posts changed with time. It changed from describing the Euromaidan as a peaceful movement to existential danger to the Russophone population [27]. This change of the narrative was likely to be one of the driving forces of the growing proportions of the Russian language.…”

Section: Related Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

Longitudinal change in language behaviour during protests: A case study of Euromaidan in Ukraine

Slobozhan¹,

Brik²,

Sharma³

2021

Preprint

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In the last decade, online social media has become the primary platform for protesters to organize and express their agenda in various parts of the world. Nevertheless, scholars still debate whether online tools induce offline protests or facilitate them [1,2]. Unfortunately, studies of protests often lack panel data and cannot address how particular users change their behaviour over time in line with the protest agenda. To this end, we analyze a new dataset of the Facebook page EuroMaydan that was explicitly created to facilitate the protest in Ukraine from November 2013 to February 2014. Moreover, our analysis follows this page even after the end of the protest till June 2014. This page had more than 300,000 subscribers at the time when the data was collected. On average, this page generated hundreds of posts and thousands of comments per day, reaching up to 37,307 comments in one day. In total, the dataset includes 26,631 posts and 1,470,593 comments that were generated by 124,790 users during and after the protests. We use this panel data to test how particular users switch between the two most popular languages of this page: Ukrainian and Russian. Previous studies have puzzled with language behaviour during the Ukrainian protest [3,4]. Although researchers expected to see more Ukrainian language due to national mobilization, studies discovered that Ukrainian protesters frequently used Russian, especially after the end of the protest. A hypothesis was suggested that protesters use language strategically depending on circumstances (e.g., to maximize outreach). However, previous studies relied on aggregated data and did not explore the withinsubject variation of language behaviour. Our study adds to this scholarship by adding a longitudinal analysis of language behaviour. Considering the broader contribution of this paper, we add to the literature on protests by validating previous findings derived from surveys that activists change their behaviour to reflect prior preferences and situational goals rather than modify their preferences.

show abstract

“…The event that triggered the increase in scholarly attention to social media platforms in the context of protest mobilization was the Arab Spring as social media platforms, specifically Facebook and Twitter, played a crucial instrumental role during the protests (Comunello & Anzera, 2012;Howard et al, 2011). Since then, numerous studies have examined the role of social media in protest mobilization in different contexts such as the Indignados and Occupy movements (González-Bailón & Wang, 2016); the Euromaidan in Ukraine (Lyebyedyev & Makhortykh, 2018); protests in Venezuela (Morales et al, 2012), in Russia (Spaiser et al, 2017) and in Turkey (Tufekci & Wilson, 2012); the so-called Umbrella Movement of 2014 in Hong Kong (Lee et al, 2015). These and other studies have demonstrated that a particular effect of social media on protest mobilization is not universal and depends on the local context and offline actions (González-Bailón & Wang, 2016;Jost et al, 2018).…”

Section: Social Media and Protest Mobilization In Authoritarian Regimmentioning

confidence: 99%

“No Central Stage”: Telegram-based activity during the 2019 protests in Hong Kong

Urman¹,

Ho²,

Katz³

2020

Preprint

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

We examine Telegram-based activities related to the 2019 protests in Hong Kong thus presenting the first study of a large Telegram-aided protest movement. We contribute to both - scholarship on Hong Kongese protests and research on social media-based protest mobilization. For that, we rely on the data collected through Telegram’s API and a combination of network analysis and computational text analysis. We find that the Telegram-based network was cohesive ensuring the efficient spread of protest-related information. Content spread through Telegram predominantly concerned discussions of future actions and protest-related on-site information (i.e., police presence in certain areas). We find that the Telegram network was dominated by different actors each month of the observation suggesting the absence of one single leader. Further, traditional protest leaders - those prominent during the 2014 Umbrella Movement, - such as media and civic organisations were less prominent in the network than local communities. Finally, we observe a cooldown in the level of Telegram activity after the enactment of the harsh National Security Law in July 2020. Further investigation is necessary to assess the persistence of this effect in a long-term perspective.

show abstract

#Euromaidan: Quantitative Analysis of Multilingual Framing 2013–2014 Ukrainian Protests on Twitter

Cited by 6 publications

References 7 publications

There can be only one truth: Ideological segregation and online news communities in Ukraine

There can be only one truth: Ideological segregation and online news communities in Ukraine

Longitudinal change in language behaviour during protests: A case study of Euromaidan in Ukraine

“No Central Stage”: Telegram-based activity during the 2019 protests in Hong Kong

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About