Ethnic and Racial Differences in Tornado Hazard Perception, Preparedness, and Shelter Lead Time in Tuscaloosa

Senkbeil, Jason C.; Scott, David A.; Guinazu-Walker, Pilar; Rockman, Meganne S.

doi:10.1080/00330124.2013.826562

Cited by 37 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…The university sample was primarily female with other categories more closely resembling the population (see Table 1). The characteristics of the city sample have been discussed in previous work (Senkbeil, Rockman, and Mason, 2012;Senkbeil et al, 2014). Table 2 contains an abbreviated version of the survey, showing the communication and shelter questions.…”

Section: Source: Authorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Facebook and Twitter, communication and shelter, and the 2011 Tuscaloosa tornado

Stokes

Senkbeil

2016

Disasters

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This paper represents one of the first attempts to analyse the many ways in which Facebook and Twitter were used during a tornado disaster. Comparisons between five randomly selected campus samples and a city of Tuscaloosa, Alabama, sample revealed that campus samples used Facebook and Twitter significantly more both before and after the tornado, but Facebook usage was not significantly different after the event. Furthermore, differences in social media usage and other forms of communication before the tornado were found for age, education, and years lived in Tuscaloosa. Generally, age and education were inversely proportionate to social media usage. Influences on shelter-seeking actions varied between social media users and three random samples of non-social media users; however, it appears that social media respondents were likely to be using a smartphone simultaneously to access warning polygon information, to receive text message alerts, and to listen or respond to environmental cues.

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Section: Source: Authorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The study population was a large sample of 19,000 students, staff, and faculty members. Although the campus did not suffer a direct hit-the 2011 tornado passed within one kilometre of UA-its population was in the area of the tornado warning (Senkbeil et al, 2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Facebook and Twitter, communication and shelter, and the 2011 Tuscaloosa tornado

Stokes

Senkbeil

2016

Disasters

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“…Religious institutions play an integral part of community recovery by serving as an information source in the pre‐ and postdisaster stages and by providing material resources for recovery and psychological support throughout the disaster phases (Rivera and Nickels, ; Angel et al., ; Brunsma et al., ). Additionally, it is well established that there are racial differences in both disaster resilience (Elliot and Pais, ; Senkbeil et al., ) and social and religious involvement (Chaves and Higgins, ; Cavendish, ). Our research assesses the role of religious attendance in disaster impact and recovery to address the following research question: Does religious attendance facilitate disaster recovery ?…”

Section: Social Network and Disastersmentioning

confidence: 99%

If the Lord Is Willing and the Creek Don't Rise: Religious Attendance and Disaster Recovery in the Deep South*

Bright

Hanks

Sayre

et al. 2018

Social Science Quarterly

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Objective. This article examines the association between religious attendance and disaster recovery in Mississippi and Alabama. Methods. We use ordinary least squares regression to determine the effect of sociodemographic variables, social network size, and religious attendance on one's selfdescribed level of disaster recovery. Results. We find a robust association between frequent religious attendance and a greater level of recovery. Somewhat surprisingly, we also find a strong relationship between religious nonattendance and a greater level of recovery. However, these results differ by race. For whites (but not for blacks), nonattendance is associated with a greater degree of recovery, while for blacks (but not for whites), frequent attendance is correlated with a greater degree of recovery. For both whites and blacks, the size of one's social network does not affect disaster recovery. Conclusion. While according to previous research, religious attendance is associated with benefits based upon social networks and community engagement, we find that those who are strongly connected to their religious organizations recover more, but it is not directly connected to one's social network size.People who regularly attend assemblies of religious organizations have greater community engagement and are less likely to be socially isolated (Hovey et al., 2004). These benefits, suggests the social science research evidence thus far, are not related to religious belief, but instead are associated with regular attendance at religious organizations (Shor and Roelfs, 2013). 1 Furthermore, community engagement often confers other benefits on individuals, including psychological benefits (Cavendish, 2000), health benefits (Moren-Cross and Lin, 2006), and more resilience to trauma and disaster (Nakagawa and Shaw, 2004). Specifically, studies have found a connection between the level of community engagement (including the size of one's social network) and the ability to recover from natural and man-made disasters and that this effect differs between whites and African Americans. The current article examines this relationship to see whether social networks, religious attendance, and

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“…Socioeconomic characteristics, including gender, age, race, ethnicity, or education, were significantly related to perception of natural hazard risk in some studies, but not others, and their role continues to be debated [28]. Specific to tornadoes, for example, Senkbeil et al [31] found that risk perception and preparedness varied by race/ethnicity, while Ellis et al [30] found that socioeconomic characteristics had no notable influence on climatological risk perception.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Influence of Tornado Activity, Impact, Memory, and Sentiment on Tornado Perception Accuracy among College Students

2019

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A survey consisting of open-ended and closed responses was administered at three universities in the eastern USA. The home counties of survey participants represented climatological tornado risks spanning from rarely impacted to frequently impacted. The first objective of this research was to classify climatological tornado risk for each county so that analyses of tornado perception accuracy could be evaluated. Perception accuracy was defined as the difference between what each participant perceived minus what actually happened. A manual classification scheme was created that uses the Storm Prediction Center’s Convective Outlook framework as county climatological risk categories. Participants from high-risk counties statistically significantly overestimated the numbers of violent tornadoes compared to participants from every risk category but moderate. Furthermore, participants from high-risk counties had significantly greater tornado impacts, thus validating the classification of high-risk. Participants from high, moderate, and slight-risk counties significantly overestimated the number of strong tornadoes compared to participants from enhanced-risk counties. There appeared to be no relationships between tornado memory and tornado sentiment with tornado perception accuracy. Possible explanations for the overestimation of the numbers of violent tornadoes in high-risk counties are discussed.

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Ethnic and Racial Differences in Tornado Hazard Perception, Preparedness, and Shelter Lead Time in Tuscaloosa

Cited by 37 publications

References 27 publications

Facebook and Twitter, communication and shelter, and the 2011 Tuscaloosa tornado

Facebook and Twitter, communication and shelter, and the 2011 Tuscaloosa tornado

If the Lord Is Willing and the Creek Don't Rise: Religious Attendance and Disaster Recovery in the Deep South*

The Influence of Tornado Activity, Impact, Memory, and Sentiment on Tornado Perception Accuracy among College Students

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