In recent decades, the creative economy, comprising the so-called cultural and creative industries, has risen as the new global orthodoxy (Schlesinger, 2017) with the potential to produce direct and indirect effects that would allegedly revive declining cities and boost growth in post-industrial contexts. Across the globe new incubation schemes, observatories, districts and tax-reduction initiatives for the creative industries have been created to support the new economy at municipal, state and national levels. The allure of creative industries for public policy, particularly their promise for urban regeneration, city branding and tourism, became institutionalized in new governmental agencies, industry organisations and support schemes. Originally constructed as a concept and an area of policy intervention in the global North, the promise of the creative economy was defined by its bohemian, cool, entrepreneurial, open and meritocratic image, according to Richard Florida's script, where anyone could in principle benefit from this new economy. The UK appeared at the forefront of the academic debates and policy developments in this area, which originally encouraged the use of creativity as a tool for social inclusion and innovation in cities, as proposed by Charles Landry in 2000.However, evidence of the existence of racial, class and gender inequalities within and between the cultural and the creative industries is ever-growing (Hesmondhalgh and Baker