2015
DOI: 10.1017/gov.2015.7
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Engendering the ‘Crisis of Democracy’: Institutions, Representation and Participation

Abstract: Many democracies are widely perceived to be suffering a serious crisis of representation, participation and legitimacy. As part of this 'crisis', the male domination of democracy -both in terms of its institutions and who participates -has been identified as problematic, even emblematic, of a more generalized democratic crisis. Increasing the participation of women is advocated as one solution. Using examples drawn from both long-standing and newer democracies (parliamentary and presidential), particularly fro… Show more

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Cited by 31 publications
(30 citation statements)
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“…However, any assumption that women's policymaking is different from that of men might be premature, as the evidence is far from conclusive [71]. The link is more probabilistic than deterministic [72], and, when found, such linkages are not straightforward but complex and multifaceted [77,78].…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…However, any assumption that women's policymaking is different from that of men might be premature, as the evidence is far from conclusive [71]. The link is more probabilistic than deterministic [72], and, when found, such linkages are not straightforward but complex and multifaceted [77,78].…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Representation, or the lack thereof, is a crucial topic in gender studies on democracy; if gender representation is imbalanced in democratic institutions, it is a sign of an ill-functioning democracy [71]. Policymaking is considered democratic when women and men enjoy equal representation and when women can influence policymaking to the same degree as men.…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The theoretical backdrop of our analysis is (1) theories of participatory, inclusive, and deliberative democracy that the political representation crisis has opened and draw attention about the need to look for new ways to involve citizens in public affairs (Accetti et al, 2016;Della Porta, 2013;Elster, 1998;Máiz, 2006;Waylen, 2015); (2) the studies of trust, the precondition for cooperative relationships which enables people to interact with others and suspend uncertainty (Güemes, 2016;Hardin, 1992;Herreros, 2004;Luhmann, 1979;Offe, 1999;Ostrom y Ahn, 2003, Pollitt et al, 2007Sztompka, 2000;Van de Walle and Lahat, 2012); (3) collaborative governance, the institutional response that includes dialogue and cooperation as organisational keys and new approach about public management (Aguilar Villanueva, 2006;Brugué, 2004;Jessop, 1996;Pollitt et al, 2007); (4) open institutions and labs as a new morphology, which involve ways of working that include learning and listening (McGann, Blomkamp, & Lewis, 2018;Mulgan, 2014;Tönurist, Kattel, & Lember, 2017).…”
Section: Literature Review and Theorymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet the link to the structural nature of gender inequality has not been used to define this concept more explicitly. Often both concepts (wome/an-friendly and gender friendly) are used in texts that focus on the relationship between descriptive and substantial representation, where they are put on a par with substantive representation, or 'progressive gender agendas' (515) (Waylen 2015). When the term 'gender-friendly change' is defined, as 'any change that contributes to improvements in gender equality' (Waylen 2016: 11), the concept gets into a loop of undefinedness where it still eludes a more precise articulation of its position on the political meaning of gender/ women/ or gender equality.…”
Section: Escaping Equalitymentioning
confidence: 99%