Endogenous Preferences and the Study of Institutions

Gerber, Elisabeth R.; Jackson, John E.

doi:10.2307/2938741

Cited by 109 publications

(62 citation statements)

References 43 publications

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“…Party identity was first studied in the 1960s, and was quickly identified to function as a ''perceptual screen'' through which political information is filtered and interpreted (Campbell et al, 1960). Evidence from time-series, panel, and experimental studies have supported this view (Brewer, 2005;Cohen, 2003;Converse & Markus, 1979;Gerber & Jackson, 1993;Goren et al, 2009;Green et al, 2002;Layman & Carsey, 2002;Layman et al, 2006;Lupia & McCubbins, 1998;Rahn, 1993).…”

Section: The Combination Of Discursive Surroundings and Identity-basementioning

confidence: 78%

More than Ideology: Conservative–Liberal Identity and Receptivity to Political Cues

2010

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To many commentators and social scientists, Americans' stances on political issues are to an important extent driven by an underlying conservativeliberal ideological dimension. Self-identification as conservative vs. liberal is regarded as a marker of this dimension. However, past research has not thoroughly distinguished between ideological identity (a self-categorization) and ideology (an integrated value system). This research evaluates the thesis that conservative-liberal identity functions as a readiness to adopt beliefs and attitudes about newly politicized issues that one is told are consistent with the socially prescribed meaning of conservatism-liberalism. In Study 1, conservative-liberal identity, measured in 2000, had an independent prospective effect on support for invading Iraq in 2002 and support for the Iraq war in 2004, controlling for substantive ideology, party identity, and demographics. In Study 2, conservative-and liberal-identifiers adopted stances on farm subsidy policy based on randomly varied cues indicating which ideological group supports which stance. This cue-based influence was mediated by adoption of attitude-supportive beliefs. Discussion addresses the joint impact of political discourse and identity-based social influence on the organization of political attitudes.

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Section: The Combination Of Discursive Surroundings and Identity-basementioning

confidence: 78%

More than Ideology: Conservative–Liberal Identity and Receptivity to Political Cues

2010

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“…As discussed above, elite actors exhibit more influence on political opinions when issues are abstract, complex, and far removed from the lived experiences of the public (Brody 1991;Erikson, MacKuen, and Stimson 2003;Gerber and Jackson 1993;Karp 1998;Lupia and McCubbins 1998). Due to persistent patterns of residential segregation in the United States, the overwhelming majority of whites may have only second-hand experience with black-Latino relations (Bonilla-Silva 2009;Massey and Denton 1993).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Race, partisanship, and perceptions of inter-minority commonality

Wallsten

Nteta

2016

Politics, Groups, and Identities

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Feelings of commonality are central to the formation of multiracial political coalitions. Despite a fairly voluminous literature on where these feelings come from, however, relatively little is known about how elite messages influence individual-level perceptions of intergroup relations. This oversight is surprising given that socalled "elite opinion" theory has become "virtually orthodoxy" within political science. In order to explore the potential for opinion leadership on perceptions of commonality, this paper employs a survey experiment embedded in the 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Study. Testing hypotheses derived from elite opinion theory, this paper finds that no one interpretation of elite opinion theory can fully account for perceptions of commonality across racial groups. Scholars of race and ethnic politics would do well in the future, therefore, to acknowledge the complex ways that racial and partisan characteristics condition an individual's response to elite messages.

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“…Since the planner's long-term preferences are a function of the doer's short-term preferences, the planner can satisfy his preferences by, among other things, modifying those short-term preferences. A second route of analyzing endogenous preferences is in terms of models of incomplete information (Cohen & Axelrod 1984;Gerber & Jackson 1993). In these models individuals change their preferences if it becomes clear that their earlier preferences were based on incorrect beliefs concerning the characteristics of the decision situation.…”

Section: New Institutionalism and Reductionismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Explaining institutions: A defence of reductionism

Hees¹

1997

European J Political Res

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Abstract. New institutionalism is an approach to the study of social events that is becoming increasingly popular. Different lines of new institutional research can be distinguished. In one line of research it is argued that the social sciences should transcend reductionist modes of explanation, in particular the methodological individualism exemplified by the theory of rational choice. In this view, reductionism does not permit the endogenous treatment of institutions and thus cannot account for important aspects of the social and political context in which agents act. In this paper the meaning of the terms 'methodological individualism' and 'reductionism' is discussed and illustrated by a description of some of the central assumptions of rational choice theory, in particular game theory. It is argued that the claim that reductionism should be transcended is unwarranted: reductionism is perfectly compatible with the new institutional concerns. First of all, the various institutional dimensions that have been distinguished in the new institutional literature can be systematically described in terms of a game-theoretic model. Furthermore, the dynamic models of game theory can be (and often already have been) used to explain the emergence of institutions

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Endogenous Preferences and the Study of Institutions

Cited by 109 publications

References 43 publications

More than Ideology: Conservative–Liberal Identity and Receptivity to Political Cues

More than Ideology: Conservative–Liberal Identity and Receptivity to Political Cues

Race, partisanship, and perceptions of inter-minority commonality

Explaining institutions: A defence of reductionism

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