Emancipatory social inquiry: democratic anarchism and the Robinsonian method<sup>†</sup>

Quan, H. L. T.

doi:10.1080/14725843.2013.797282

Cited by 11 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…I am pessimistic. However, pessimism does not authorize one to ignore those who seek “to transport life from the state's dominion” (Quant , 121), no matter how ephemeral it can be. Fleeting, indeed.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Sebas, a gang member, admitted, “One pretends to be evil to be respected, but deep down inside, even the sicario [contract killer] has some feelings.” He concluded by telling me how Pablo became evil: “He became malo when they killed his brother. Sometimes one is not evil; one is made evil by the situation.” In consonance with my interlocutors’ interpretation, and in dialogue with an incisive scholarship on black radical protest, I take evilness as “the ungovernable intent of impeding and negating governmentality or [negating] the organized practices that render subjects governable” (Quan , 121). Here, refusing to be governed takes the form of refusing to participate in the police's monthly meetings; refusing the spatial division of residential blocks established by the city government and the police; refusing the moral codes of conduct of civil society; and refusing the technologies of self that NGO, church, and state projects deploy to produce a community in El Guayacán.…”

Section: Evilnessmentioning

confidence: 95%

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Refusing to Be Governed: Urban Policing, Gang Violence, and the Politics of Evilness in an Afro‐Colombian Shantytown

Alves

2019

PoLAR

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What is the role of policing within urban contexts marked by economic dispossession, crime, and gang violence? This article grapples with this question by examining both policing practices and the strategies of resistance embraced by residents of El Guayacán, a predominantly black neighborhood in the outskirts of Cali, Colombia. I argue that policing is not only about repression but also about enforcing spatial‐racial boundaries and administering social death. On the one hand, targeting black bodies and black places as the problem of urban security provides police a spatial fix (to borrow from critical geographers) for broad anxieties around crime. On the other hand, the discursive and material production of unruly bodies and ungovernable spaces justifies state disinvestment, social abandonment, and police aggression against racialized others.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Evilnessmentioning

confidence: 95%

Refusing to Be Governed: Urban Policing, Gang Violence, and the Politics of Evilness in an Afro‐Colombian Shantytown

Alves

2019

PoLAR

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“…On the origins of the African worldview, Quan (2013) explains Rabaka's (2009) research, suggesting what he calls Africana critical theory predates the Frankfurt School. Quan (2013) found, Rabaka (2009) . .…”

Section: The Lemonade Series the Self Love Holiday The Divine Powermentioning

confidence: 95%

Transformative Radical Self-care by Women in African and Pan-African Spiritual Traditions: Divine Power of Joy, Lemonade Self-care, Self-love Holiday

Cromer

2021

Journal of Women, Politics & Policy

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Exploring radical self-care practices as liberatory political resistance exposes the paradox that freedom from suffering is not free or an entitlement, instead it is a daily practice. This is a particularly important political claim for the three radical self-care practices surveyed in this article: Queen Mother Maasht Amm Amen's The Divine Power of Joy events live-streamed and held inperson in the United States; Nalokai, Omisade, and Julia's The Lemonade Series: Self-Care and Renewal Retreat in Treasure Beach, Jamaica; and Oyabunmi's The Self Love Holiday Retreat in Dominicale, Costa Rica. Each practice was envisioned, organized, and led by Black women linked to African or Pan-African spiritual traditions between 2018 and 2020. Drawing on participant observation, interviews, and digital print media, what emerged from these events are theories and practices influenced by a worldview reflective of a collective spiritual and political response to the afterlives of punitive public policies including Johnson's "War on Poverty'' and Nixon's "War on Drugs'' which have contributed to the othering and subjugation of Black bodies, Black experiences, and Black politics enforced through violent punishment. The execution of these punitive public policies consequently provides an enduring context for alternative forms of radical and liberatory political resistance. Intersectionality, as a liberatory practice for Black women, proved to be a useful methodology for analyzing and making sense of how the COVID-19 crisis exposed racial, health, and economic disparities, the global mass resistance to anti-Black racism, criminalization resulting in police murders of unarmed Black and Brown people, and the rise of radical self-care events. The three radical self-care practices created by Black women are examples of new legacies being forged through ongoing and evolving strategic activities and techniques that produce what I call transformative radical self-determination.

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“… 7 African diaspora scholars have long engaged with the question of Black refusal/Black sovereignty. I am inspired among others by Brazilian scholar Abdias Nascimento (1980)'s conceptualization of marronage (quilombismo) as a social praxis and Clovis Moura (1977)'s theorizing on the “good slave/bad negro.” My interventions here and elsewhere (Alves, 2015) are also especially indebted to Helen Quan (2013)’s Robinsonian discussion on ‘state-addiction’ and Black autonomy outside its domains.…”

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confidence: 93%

Fatal blow: Urbicidal geographies, pax colonial and black sovereignty in the Colombian city

Alves¹

2021

Environ Plan D

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This article gives ethnographic form to Fanon’s warning that in the colonial world, “zombies are more terrifying than settlers,” by analyzing how racial mythologies produce spatial classifications of Black urban communities as unruly places and how Black individuals challenge their wretched condition by embracing a “program of complete disorder.” To do so, the article analyzes the short(ened) life of Paco, a young Black man under house arrest whose retaliatory violence against, and territorial dispute with, the police is an entry point for exploring resistance to urban coloniality in Santiago de Cali/Colombia. The article engages with the field of Black geography to propose a Fanonian reading of contemporary cityscapes as colonial spaces. Such colonial spatialities, it is argued, are not defined merely by subjugation to death but also, as Paco’s refusal to be killed may reveal, by an insurgent spatial praxis that might reposition the Black subject in relation to the city and the regime of Law.

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Emancipatory social inquiry: democratic anarchism and the Robinsonian method^†

Cited by 11 publications

References 14 publications

Refusing to Be Governed: Urban Policing, Gang Violence, and the Politics of Evilness in an Afro‐Colombian Shantytown

Refusing to Be Governed: Urban Policing, Gang Violence, and the Politics of Evilness in an Afro‐Colombian Shantytown

Transformative Radical Self-care by Women in African and Pan-African Spiritual Traditions: Divine Power of Joy, Lemonade Self-care, Self-love Holiday

Fatal blow: Urbicidal geographies, pax colonial and black sovereignty in the Colombian city

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Emancipatory social inquiry: democratic anarchism and the Robinsonian method†

Cited by 11 publications

References 14 publications

Refusing to Be Governed: Urban Policing, Gang Violence, and the Politics of Evilness in an Afro‐Colombian Shantytown

Refusing to Be Governed: Urban Policing, Gang Violence, and the Politics of Evilness in an Afro‐Colombian Shantytown

Transformative Radical Self-care by Women in African and Pan-African Spiritual Traditions: Divine Power of Joy, Lemonade Self-care, Self-love Holiday

Fatal blow: Urbicidal geographies, pax colonial and black sovereignty in the Colombian city

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Emancipatory social inquiry: democratic anarchism and the Robinsonian method^†