2016
DOI: 10.1177/1469540516634412
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Elite and ethical: The defensive distinctions of middle-class bicycling in Bangalore, India

Abstract: This article applies social practice theory to study the emergence of sustainable consumption practices like bicycling among the new middle classes of Bangalore, India. I argue that expansions of bicycling practices are dependent on the construction of defensive distinctions, which I define as distinctions that draw equally on lifestyle-based and ethics-based discourses to normalize bicycling among Bangalore’s middle classes. With their environmental discourses and signage, middle-class cyclists make claims to… Show more

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Cited by 46 publications
(40 citation statements)
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“…Furthermore, by promoting a form of environmentalism which fits their situated dispositions (to asceticism and sustainable consumption) and a form of reflexivity which does not challenge the source of their rather privileged social position (the professional sphere, where their cultural capital is converted into economic and symbolic rewards), the movement ends up reinforcing the symbolic hierarchy which grants its members a dominant position in the local social space. Similarly to Manisha Anantharaman’s analysis of the ‘defensive distinctions’ constructed by middle-class bicyclists in Bangalore, India who promote sustainable consumption through the othering of the poor (Anantharaman, 2017), the accusatory folk social theories about the working class mobilised by green lifestyle activists in Paris’ suburbs may be interpreted as part of a symbolic struggle for the production of the legitimate vision of the world (Bourdieu, 1989) by way of which social agents defend their position and interests.…”
Section: Different Determined But Not Excusedmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Furthermore, by promoting a form of environmentalism which fits their situated dispositions (to asceticism and sustainable consumption) and a form of reflexivity which does not challenge the source of their rather privileged social position (the professional sphere, where their cultural capital is converted into economic and symbolic rewards), the movement ends up reinforcing the symbolic hierarchy which grants its members a dominant position in the local social space. Similarly to Manisha Anantharaman’s analysis of the ‘defensive distinctions’ constructed by middle-class bicyclists in Bangalore, India who promote sustainable consumption through the othering of the poor (Anantharaman, 2017), the accusatory folk social theories about the working class mobilised by green lifestyle activists in Paris’ suburbs may be interpreted as part of a symbolic struggle for the production of the legitimate vision of the world (Bourdieu, 1989) by way of which social agents defend their position and interests.…”
Section: Different Determined But Not Excusedmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This results in a larger threshold for many, demanding they overcome the stigma before engaging in such projects. It is also reminiscent of the practice of bicycling in Bangalore, which is engaged in by both middleclass and working poor people in that city, with very different expectations, aspirations and kit 76 . In this context, middle-class cyclists make a distinction between their own cycling practices and those that cycle through necessity: thus stigmatising these others in the process.…”
Section: Relations With Agencies and Communitiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In one definition, social practices are routinized activities made up of material arrangements of spaces, people's dispositions and social norms, executed by skilled practitioners (Sahakian and Wilhite, 2014). Practices are the means by which people satisfy their needs, while also signalling social distinction and belonging (Anantharaman, 2017;Carfagna et al, 2014), two vital ways of establishing community. Thus, the practice lens offers a valuable way by which we can understand how people satisfy needs in and through green public spaces.…”
Section: Conceptual Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%