2015
DOI: 10.1111/ajps.12235
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Electoral Rule Disproportionality and Platform Polarization

Abstract: Despite common perception, existing theoretical literature lacks a complete formal argument regarding the relationship between the electoral rule disproportionality and platform polarization. In this article, we build a model that incorporates the disproportionality of the electoral system in a standard Downsian electoral competition setup with mainly, but not necessarily purely, policy-motivated parties. We first show that in equilibrium, platform polarization is decreasing in the level of the electoral rule … Show more

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Cited by 68 publications
(83 citation statements)
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References 67 publications
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“…We first present a formal model where parties' platforms are chosen endogenously and depend on the degree of the electoral rule disproportionality. In line with our previous research (Matakos et al 2013) we show that more proportional rules generate centrifugal forces that increase platform divergence and candidate differentiation. 3 This, in turn, increases the stakes of the election for the voter: as parties' platforms diverge, for any given cost of voting and race closeness, more voters are willing to vote as they are less likely to be indifferent among the proposed alternatives.…”
Section: Resultssupporting
confidence: 93%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…We first present a formal model where parties' platforms are chosen endogenously and depend on the degree of the electoral rule disproportionality. In line with our previous research (Matakos et al 2013) we show that more proportional rules generate centrifugal forces that increase platform divergence and candidate differentiation. 3 This, in turn, increases the stakes of the election for the voter: as parties' platforms diverge, for any given cost of voting and race closeness, more voters are willing to vote as they are less likely to be indifferent among the proposed alternatives.…”
Section: Resultssupporting
confidence: 93%
“…The implemented policy is determined through the parliamentary mean model (Ortuño-Ortín 1997;Llavador 2006;De Sinopoli and Iannantuoni 2007;Matakos et al 2013;Saporiti 2014). This means that the implemented policy is a weighted average of parties' parliamentary power.…”
Section: Theorymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…with γ ≥ 1 and finite as in, for example, Saporiti (2014) and Matakos et al (2015Matakos et al ( , 2016. Obviously, for γ = 1, p =p.…”
Section: Model Descriptionmentioning
confidence: 94%
“…The implemented policy seen as a compromise among different ideological sides, or power sharing, is not a new idea (Alesina and Rosenthal 1996;Grossman and Helpman 1996;Llavador 2006;Sinopoli and Iannantuoni 2007;Saporiti 2014;Matakos et al 2015Matakos et al , 2016Herrera et al 2015) . Ortuño-Ortín (1997) discusses a two-party setting where implemented policy is a convex combination of the two parties' platforms generated using a continuous function of the parties' shares in the election.…”
Section: Related Literaturementioning
confidence: 99%
“…With a similar argument De Sinopoli and Iannantuoni (2008) show that only extreme parties (but maybe more than two) obtain a positive vote share. Matakos et al (2013) incorporate in such model different levels of the electoral rule disproportionality and show how it affects the number of competing parties. For two-party systems under alternative voting procedures such as the Borda count and approval voting see Dellis (2013); Dellis et al (2011). we show a) generic existence of equilibria where only two parties receive votes and hence lead to single-party governments 3 -and b) generic inexistence of equilibria which lead to coalition governments.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%