Egypt in a time of revolution: contentious politics and the Arab Spring, by Neil Ketchley

Kamel, Amir Magdy

doi:10.1080/00263206.2017.1405345

Cited by 9 publications

(14 citation statements)

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“…However, this was a short-lived experience. Likewise, the army broke solidarity ties with protesters right after the initial strategy of fraternization in early 2011 (Ketchley, 2017). Our results do not enable us to discuss the presence of a shared collective identity and ideological boundary deactivation among actors of the pre and postrevolutionary coalition in the Tunisian case.…”

Section: Mechanisms Related To Alliance Building and Fragmentationmentioning

confidence: 59%

“…The army broke solidarity ties with protesters right after the initial strategy of fraternization in early 2011 (Ketchley, 2017). This change in strategy became clear in November 2011 in the Muhammad Mahmoud Street clashes and in May 2012 outside the Defence Ministry in Abbesiyya, when peaceful protesters were killed by soldiers.…”

Section: Egypt: the Fragmentation Of Challengers' Network And The Cou...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Protest Demobilization In Post-Revolutionary Settings: Trajectories To Counter-Revolution And To Democratic Transition

et al. 2021

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This article examines two outcomes of demobilization in post-revolutionary contexts, democratic transition and counter-revolution. Complementing elite-driven approaches, we argue that the way demobilization ends is conditional upon the capacity of challengers to promote enduring alliances. Following a paired controlled comparison, we analyse two cases, Egypt and Tunisia and processes of alliance building and fragmentation preceding the 2013 coup d’Etat in Egypt, and the adoption of a new Constitution in 2014 in Tunisia. Data from semi-structured and in-depth interviews were collected through fieldwork in multiple localities of Egypt and Tunisia between 2011 and 2019. Results show that the fragmentation of the challengers’ coalition in post-revolutionary Egypt contributed to a counter-revolution while, in Tunisia, challengers’ alliances rooted in the pre-revolutionary period lasted throughout the phase of demobilization and supported a democratic transition. We conclude by discussing some alliance-based mechanisms accounting for a democratic transition: intergroup trust-building, brokerage and ideological boundary deactivation.

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Section: Mechanisms Related To Alliance Building and Fragmentationmentioning

confidence: 59%

Section: Egypt: the Fragmentation Of Challengers' Network And The Cou...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Protest Demobilization In Post-Revolutionary Settings: Trajectories To Counter-Revolution And To Democratic Transition

et al. 2021

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“…In response to the first large-scale demonstrations-initiated by youth activists and members of some political parties in several main cities in what would become known as the "day of rage" of 25 January-the police and the Central Security Force (CSF-Mubarak's shock troops) lashed out at the protesters mercilessly and indiscriminately. In the following days, in the face of spreading unrest to additional cities and regions, police brutality intensified as the government tried to impose a curfew and blocked Internet access and other social media and cell phone services (Ketchley, 2017).…”

Section: The Egyptian Cycle Of Popular Contention (25 January To 11 F...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…the 1977 Bread Riots) and sided with the regime to restore order harshly and resolutely. Protesters in Tahrir Square and other sites knew about this and other historical precedents, and the possibility that the army would side with the regime all over again was seriously discussed (Ketchley, 2017). Evidence in support of such a possibility was not in shortage.…”

Section: The Egyptian Cycle Of Popular Contention (25 January To 11 F...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Army embeddedness, political opportunities and threats, and the dynamics of contention: Understanding the varying role of the armed forces in the Egyptian, Syrian, and Libyan 2011 revolts

Alimi

2022

International Journal of Comparative Sociology

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In many Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries, the army has traditionally been a central pillar of the authoritarian regimes, responsible for the security and integrity of the state and a symbol of national sovereignty and social unity. Nevertheless, the 2011 Arab revolts witnessed stark differences in the response of the armies. This article argues that a relational reading of the Structure of Political Opportunities and Threats, particularly when its dimension of the state’s capacity and propensity for repression is informed by a MENA-salient regime feature—army embeddedness—offers a compelling solution to the puzzle. An analysis of the Egyptian, Syrian, and Libyan episodes of contention, based on a comparative method that combines mechanism-based process tracing and typological theorizing, demonstrates the theoretical payoffs of this sensitized dimension. Cross-case similarities underscore the value of thinking about the army as a full-fledge agent embedded within a web of relations with social and political forces. Specifically, findings reveal how army embeddedness shapes the respective operation and effect of the mechanisms “political opportunities” and “political threats,” and highlight the importance of differentiating between the state’s capacity and the state’s propensity for repression. Within-case variations highlight the historically specific development of such embeddedness and how it plays out distinctively in each case, forming different scenarios of high and low capacity and propensity for repression.

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Networked Movements and Bureaucratic Unions: The Structure of the 2018 #RedForEd Teachers’ Strikes

Tarlau

2023

ILR Review

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How do digitally enabled movements of workers reshape, replace, or reinforce the role of unions? Based on a comparative case study of the 2018 #RedForEd teachers’ strikes in West Virginia, Oklahoma, and Arizona, this article argues that despite the hierarchical and bureaucratic character of statewide teachers’ unions, the infrastructure they provided to organize, connect, and legitimize teachers’ actions was critical for statewide strikes. Facebook provided a forum for teachers to express frustrations, scale participation, and in some cases, organize actions. However, the unions’ coordinating capacities were also central. These findings show how combining the mobilizing capacities of social media with existing movement infrastructure can facilitate collective action. In contrast to predictions of digitally enabled activism ushering in an era of “organizing without organizations,” these findings suggest that 21st-century labor movements must meld old and new organizational forms, and not discard the century-and-a-half accumulation of labor infrastructure won by previous generations.

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Egypt in a time of revolution: contentious politics and the Arab Spring, by Neil Ketchley

Cited by 9 publications

References 0 publications

Protest Demobilization In Post-Revolutionary Settings: Trajectories To Counter-Revolution And To Democratic Transition

Protest Demobilization In Post-Revolutionary Settings: Trajectories To Counter-Revolution And To Democratic Transition

Army embeddedness, political opportunities and threats, and the dynamics of contention: Understanding the varying role of the armed forces in the Egyptian, Syrian, and Libyan 2011 revolts

Networked Movements and Bureaucratic Unions: The Structure of the 2018 #RedForEd Teachers’ Strikes

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