Effects of automatic associative activation on explicit and implicit memory tests.

Besson, Mireille; Fischler, Ira; Boaz, Timothy L.; Raney, Gary E.

doi:10.1037/0278-7393.18.1.89

Cited by 56 publications

(45 citation statements)

References 58 publications

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“…However, there is disagreement concerning the temporal nature of N400 effects: Some experimental results indicated that the amplitude is modulated by lexical processes (e.g., Besson, Fischler, Boaz, & Raney, 1992;Deacon, Hewitt, Yang, & Nagata, 2000); other studies argued that the N400 is sensitive to post-lexical integration (e.g., Brown & Hagoort, 1993;Holcomb, 1993).…”

Section: Frequency and Predictability In Erpsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Frequency and predictability effects on event-related potentials during reading

et al. 2006

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Effects of frequency, predictability, and position of words on event-related potentials were assessed during word-by-word sentence reading in 48 subjects in an early and in a late time window corresponding to P200 and N400. Repeated-measures multiple regression analyses revealed a P200-effect in the high-frequency range; also the P200 was larger on words at the beginning and end of sentences than on words in the middle of sentences (i.e., a quadratic effect of word position). Predictability strongly affected the N400 component; the effect was stronger for low than for high-frequency words. The P200 frequency effect indicates that high-frequency words are lexically accessed very fast, independent of context information. Effects on the N400 suggest that predictability strongly moderates the late access especially of low-frequency words. Thus, contextual facilitation on the N400 appears to reflect both lexical and post-lexical stages of word recognition, questioning a strict classification into lexical and post-lexical processes.

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Section: Frequency and Predictability In Erpsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Frequency and predictability effects on event-related potentials during reading

et al. 2006

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“…The absence of N400 effects under masking conditions of the prime, therefore demonstrates that automatic spreading of activation is not reflected in the N400. Besson, Fischler, Boaz, and Raney (1992) and Kutas and Hillyard (1989) have presented data on the basis of which they claim that automatic spreading of activation does emerge in the N400. However, their results can also be explained by other priming mechanisms and do not necessitate an explanation in terms of automatic processes (see Chwilla, Brown, & Hagoort, 1995, for an extended discussion of this issue).…”

Section: The Processing Nature Of the N400mentioning

confidence: 99%

An Event-Related Brain Potential Analysis of Visual Word Priming Effects

Brown

Hagoort

Chwilla³

2000

Brain and Language

102

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Two experiments are reported that provide evidence on task-induced effects during visual lexical processing in a prime-target semantic priming paradigm. The research focuses on target expectancy effects by manipulating the proportion of semantically related and unrelated word pairs. In Experiment 1, a lexical decision task was used and reaction times (RTs) and event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were obtained. In Experiment 2, subjects silently read the stimuli, without any additional task demands, and ERPs were recorded. The RT and ERP results of Experiment 1 demonstrate that an expectancy mechanism contributed to the priming effect when a high proportion of related word pairs was presented. The ERP results of Experiment 2 show that in the absence of extraneous task requirements, an expectancy mechanism is not active. However, a standard ERP semantic priming effect was obtained in Experiment 2. The combined results show that priming effects due to relatedness proportion are induced by task demands and are not a standard aspect of online lexical processing.

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“…The results of these ERP studies were not conclusive. Some studies demonstrated N400 priming effects with shallow processing tasks (Besson, Fischler, Boaz, & Raney, 1992;Kutas & Hillyard, 1989). Other studies, however, did not observe N400 priming effects under shallow processing conditions (Bentin, Kutas, & Hillyard, 1993;Deacon, Breton, Ritter, & Vaughan, 1991).…”

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confidence: 97%

“…The delay between the presentation of the words and the moment subjects were asked to respond might have given subjects ample oppor tunity to in fact perform some kind of semantic matching, in which case the observed N400 priming effect does not necessar ily stem from ASA. A similar argument holds for the study of Besson et al (1992), in which subjects had to indicate whether the first and the last letter of two words that were presented with an SOA of 300 ms were the same or different. In this task, a small (<1 ¿*V) but reliable N400 priming effect was observed.…”

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The N400 as a function of the level of processing

Chwilla¹,

Brown²,

Hagoort³

1995

Psychophysiology

400

263

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In a semantic priming paradigm, the effects of different levels of processing on the N400 were assessed by chang ing the task demands. In the lexical decision task, subjects had to discriminate between words and nonwords, and in the physical task, subjects had to discriminate between uppercase and lowercase letters. The proportion of related versus unrelated word pairs differed between conditions. A lexicality test on reaction times demonstrated that the physical task was performed nonlexically. Moreover, a semantic priming reaction time effect was obtained only in the lexical decision task. The level of processing clearly affected the event-related potentials. An N400 priming effect was only observed in the lexical decision task. In contrast, in the physical task a P300 effect was observed for either related or unrelated targets, depending on their frequency of occurrence. Taken together, the results indicate that an N400 priming effect is only evoked when the task performance induces the semantic aspects of words to become part of an episodic trace of the stimulus event.Descriptors: Levels of processing, Semantic priming, N400, P300In this study, we investigated the influence of task demands on the N400 semantic priming effect. In particular, we focused on the impact on the N400 of different levels of processing of lexical stimuli. In this report, we first discuss the relevant semantic prim ing effects and the mechanisms responsible for these priming effects then we introduce the levels of processing framework within which semantic priming effects were investigated.One of the most consistent findings in the psycholinguistic literature is that words are processed faster and more accurately when they are preceded by a semantically related or associated word than by an unrelated word (e.g., Meyer & Schvaneveldt, 1971; see Neely, 1991, for a review). More recently, it has been demonstrated that semantic priming effects can also be recorded with the use of the event-related brain potential (ERP) method. Hillyard (1980, 1984) identified an ERP component, the N400, a negative peak with a mean latency of 400 ms and a centroparietal distribution, that is larger in amplitude for words that are semantically incongruent with a preceding sen tence context. Subsequent research has shown that the N400 is tied more to semantic expectancy than to anomaly (e.g., Kutas, Lindamood, & Hillyard, 1984).

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Effects of automatic associative activation on explicit and implicit memory tests.

Cited by 56 publications

References 58 publications

Frequency and predictability effects on event-related potentials during reading

Frequency and predictability effects on event-related potentials during reading

An Event-Related Brain Potential Analysis of Visual Word Priming Effects

The N400 as a function of the level of processing

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