1969
DOI: 10.25071/1920-7336.32074
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Editorial: Why No Borders?

Abstract: This editorial article argues for No Borders as a practical political project. We first critically examine borders as ideological, generating and reinforcing inequality. We consider some responses to injustices produced by borders: the call for “human rights”; attempts to make immigration controls more “humanitarian”; and trade unions’ organizing and campaigning with undocumented workers. Recognizing the important contributions of some of these responses, we argue that nevertheless they have often been limited… Show more

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Cited by 170 publications
(94 citation statements)
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“…This concept can be thought alongside (but goes beyond) the 'no border' politics sketched by Anderson et al (2009; and King (2016) among others. It is the practical and everyday refusal to reinforce citizenship as a mechanism of bordering and exclusion by redefining relationships of cooperation and solidarity without reference to citizenship categories.…”
Section: Spatializing Citizenship and Anti-citizen Politics In Calaismentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This concept can be thought alongside (but goes beyond) the 'no border' politics sketched by Anderson et al (2009; and King (2016) among others. It is the practical and everyday refusal to reinforce citizenship as a mechanism of bordering and exclusion by redefining relationships of cooperation and solidarity without reference to citizenship categories.…”
Section: Spatializing Citizenship and Anti-citizen Politics In Calaismentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Naming relations of power does not have to mean slipping into fixed, structural perspectives on power but can mean considering, as Anderson (2017: 501) does; "how relations of domination, coercion, instruction and so on emerge through the assembling of worlds…" (Anderson, 2017: 501). Within an immanent understanding, capitalist-imperial power, for example, emerges through borders (Mbembe, 2018;Anderson et al, 2009;Burridge, 2014), surveillance and immigration policy (Schapendonk et al, 2018) as well as policing and incarceration (Burridge, 2014). Rather than applying a particular -Marxist, non-representational, feminist or queerlens or logic to trace or understand mobility, this means understanding (im)mobility as an expression and technique of particular intensities and forms of power (Anderson, 2017).…”
Section: Redefining Mobility: Towards Radical Ontologies?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…His [ sic ] ‘illegality’ is often read as the direct product of the state (Anderson et al . ; Dauvergne ; De Genova ), which, by ‘excepting’ (Khosravi ) his presence, contributes to the creation of a cheap, scared and expendable workforce, functional to capital reproduction and accumulation (Bauder ; Coutin ; Hiemstra ). In the formation of both types of subjectivities, but particularly in the latter one, the national border acquires a new centrality and signals an opposite move to the de‐nationalisation process observed above.…”
Section: The Nation‐state Between De‐nationalisation and Re‐nationalimentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In a world of nations where people are rooted to ‘their’ land, migration is an aberrant form of behaviour in need of being fixed (Anderson et al . , 8). It is against this reading of migration as deviance that the culturalist nation is also constituted as a ‘normal’ nation.…”
Section: Talking Nation In the Age Of Migrationmentioning
confidence: 99%