Editorial introduction three longitudinal studies of children's development in Pittsburgh: the Developmental Trends Study, the Pittsburgh Youth Study, and the Pittsburgh Girls Study

Loeber, Rolf; Stouthamer‐Loeber, Magda; Farrington, David P.; Lahey, Benjamin B.; Keenan, Kate; White, Helene Raskin

doi:10.1002/cbm.483

Cited by 30 publications

(31 citation statements)

References 106 publications

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“…At least in terms of contemporaneous academic performance, person-based analyses again showed that the vulnerability effects of delinquency largely derived from the multiproblem group, that is, those high on substance use and delinquency, and also disengaged from school. Again, our findings on urban teens with multiple problems are not surprising in view of prior evidence on these youth (see Jessor, 1998;Loeber, Stouthamer-Loeber, Farrington, Lahey, Keenan, & White, 2002). On the other hand, the results on affluent adolescents are noteworthy in indicating that, regardless of the resources allegedly available to them (Luthar, 2003a;Luthar & Burack, 2000), a nontrivial proportion of suburban teenagers (1 of every 10 in this sample) manifest high disturbance across multiple domains; further, these multiproblem youth clearly reflect significant concurrent risk for poor grades during the high school years.…”

Section: Common Themes Across Contexts: School Disengagement Delinqumentioning

confidence: 60%

Dimensions of adolescent rebellion: Risks for academic failure among high- and low-income youth

Luthar

Ansary

2005

Develop. Psychopathol.

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The central question addressed in this study was whether upper class, suburban teenagers can engage in various problem behaviors and still maintain adequate academic grades, because of environmental safety nets, unlike their low-income, inner-city counterparts. Three problem behavior dimensions were assessed among tenth graders, that is, substance use, delinquency, and low school engagement. Academic achievement was assessed in terms of grades across four major subjects. Variable-based analyses indicated unique links with grades for self-reported delinquency and school disengagement in high-and low-income samples, but for substance use only among the former. Person-based analyses showed that in both schools, grades were clearly compromised among youth with disturbances in all three problem domains. In addition, in the suburban school only, grades were low in the cluster characterized chiefly by high substance use. Results are discussed in terms of stereotypes regarding risks (or lack thereof) stemming from families' socioeconomic status; implications for theory and interventions are also considered.In this study, the central objective was to explore the degree to which adolescent problem behaviors might have ramifications for academic grades in the context of affluent suburbia as opposed to inner-city poverty. On the one hand, there is some evidence that upper socioeconomic status (SES) youth can report as much maladjustment as their inner-city counterparts (if not more so) in areas such as delinquency and substance use. On the other hand, some have suggested that such behavior disturbances are unlikely to have any real ramifications for wealthy teens unlike their poor counterparts, given their vastly greater access to environmental safety nets. Exploration of this issue, vis-à-vis the outcome domain of academic grades, is at the heart of this paper. In discussions that follow, we outline the progression of research findings that culminated in questions addressed in this study. Prior Evidence of Behavior Problems Among Affluent TeenagersIn the developmental psychopathology literature, evidence of high problems among affluent youth first appeared in research on substance use among teens from disparate sociodemographic backgrounds (Luthar & D'Avanzo, 1999). In preliminary descriptive analyses, the affluent, suburban students in this study were found to manifest surprisingly high maladjustment relative to the low-income, urban sample. To illustrate, they reported HHS Public Access Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptAuthor ManuscriptAuthor Manuscript significantly higher levels of using cigarettes, alcohol, marijuana, and other illicit drugs; they were also less likely to have abstained from substance use of any kind. Furthermore, they indicated equally high levels of delinquency as did youth in urban poverty, on an instrument encompassing incidents of theft, lying and cheating, destruction of property, and violence toward others (Self Report Delinquency;Elliot, Dunford, & Huizinga, 1987).Although these be...

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Section: Common Themes Across Contexts: School Disengagement Delinqumentioning

confidence: 60%

Dimensions of adolescent rebellion: Risks for academic failure among high- and low-income youth

Luthar

Ansary

2005

Develop. Psychopathol.

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“…Numerous studies have explored the onset or initiation of delinquent careers (Bacon, Paternoster, & Brame, 2009;Dean, Brame, & Piquero, 1996;DeLisi, 2006;Eggleston & Laub, 2002;Gomez-Smith & Piquero, 2006;Perez McCluskey, McCluskey, & Bynum, 2006;Tibbetts & Piquero, 1999;White & Piquero, 2004). It is axiomatic that criminal career extremity is inversely related to onset, and the demarcation of a childhood-onset of conduct problems is central to the psychiatric diagnosis of behavioral disorders, theorization in the social and behavioral sciences, and the scholarly study of individual crime patterns (Lahey, Moffitt, & Caspi, 2003;Loeber & Farrington, 2000;Loeber et al, 2002;Stouthamer-Loeber et al 2002).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 97%

New frontiers in criminal careers research, 2000–2011: A state-of-the-art review

DeLisi

Piquero²

2011

Journal of Criminal Justice

305

160

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“…The Pittsburgh Youth Study 33,35 was a longitudinal study of inner-city boys that also began in 1987, and whose aim was to trace the development of antisocial and delinquent behaviour from childhood to early adulthood. Among boys in the first, fourth, and seventh years in the Pittsburgh public schools, 1517 were screened, and the 30% most antisocial were selected for follow-up, along with 30% of the remainder as a comparator.…”

Section: Youth Follow-up Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Developmental Trends Study 21,33,34 began in 1987 and involved 177 boys in Pennsylvania and Georgia, age 7 to 12 years, who were followed up at regular intervals into early adulthood. The purpose of the study was to document the course of disruptive behaviour over time and its interaction with co-occurring disorders.…”

Section: Youth Follow-up Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Natural History of Antisocial Personality Disorder

Black

2015

Can J Psychiatry

104

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Antisocial personality disorder (ASPD) is characterized by a pattern of socially irresponsible, exploitative, and guiltless behaviour. ASPD is associated with co-occurring mental health and addictive disorders and medical comorbidity. Rates of natural and unnatural death (suicide, homicide, and accidents) are excessive. ASPD is a predictor of poor treatment response. ASPD begins early in life, usually by age 8 years. Diagnosed as conduct disorder in childhood, the diagnosis converts to ASPD at age 18 if antisocial behaviours have persisted. While chronic and lifelong for most people with ASPD, the disorder tends to improve with advancing age. Earlier onset is associated with a poorer prognosis. Other moderating factors include marriage, employment, early incarceration (or adjudication during childhood), and degree of socialization. W W W L'histoire naturelle du trouble de la personnalité antisocialeLe trouble de la personnalité antisociale (TPAS) est caractérisé par un modèle de comportement socialement irresponsable, exploiteur et sans remords. Le TPAS est associé à des troubles de santé mentale et de dépendance co-occurrents et à une comorbidité médicale. Les taux de décès naturels et non naturels (suicide, homicide, accidents) sont excessifs. Le TPAS est prédicteur d'une mauvaise réponse au traitement. Le TPAS débute tôt dans la vie, habituellement vers l'âge de 8 ans. Diagnostiqué comme trouble des conduites dans l'enfance, le diagnostic devient celui du TPAS à 18 ans si les comportements antisociaux ont persisté. Bien que le trouble soit chronique et durant toute la de vie pour la plupart des personnes souffrant du TPAS, il tend à s'améliorer en vieillissant. Un début plus précoce est associé à un moins bon pronostic. D'autres facteurs modérateurs sont notamment le mariage, l'emploi, l'incarcération précoce (ou une décision judiciaire dans l'enfance), et un degré de socialisation.A ntisocial personality disorder is defined by a pattern of socially irresponsible, exploitative, and guiltless behaviour.1 Symptoms include failure to conform to law, failure to sustain consistent employment, manipulation of others for personal gain, deception of others, and failure to develop stable interpersonal relationships.2 Lifetime prevalence for ASPD is reported to range from 2% to 4% in men and from 0.5% to 1% in women.3,4 Prevalence peaks in people age 24 to 44 years and drops off in people 45 to 64 years. 5 The male-to-female ratio is estimated at between 2:1 and 6:1, depending on assessment method and sample characteristics.6 The prevalence of ASPD varies with the setting but can reach 80% in correctional settings. 7,8

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Editorial introduction three longitudinal studies of children's development in Pittsburgh: the Developmental Trends Study, the Pittsburgh Youth Study, and the Pittsburgh Girls Study

Cited by 30 publications

References 106 publications

Dimensions of adolescent rebellion: Risks for academic failure among high- and low-income youth

Dimensions of adolescent rebellion: Risks for academic failure among high- and low-income youth

New frontiers in criminal careers research, 2000–2011: A state-of-the-art review

The Natural History of Antisocial Personality Disorder

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