Downwardly Global: Women, Work, and Citizenship in the Pakistani Diaspora. LalaieAmeeriar. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017.

Parpiani, Maansi

doi:10.1111/awr.12180

Cited by 3 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…North, thereby preventing them from pursuing the careers they held in their home countries (e.g. Ameeriar, 2017). Connecting this issue to accent modification, then, immigrants who manage to change their accents are not necessarily improving their employment prospects if their prior credentials are considered insufficient in their host countries.…”

Section: Accent Modification and Workplace Accentismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Accent modification and workplace accentism: the institutionalization of linguistic profiling and its career implications

Ramjattan

2024

CDI

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PurposeThis paper argues that accent modification acts as a mechanism that (re)produces workplace accentism, which is a set of ideologies and practices positioning some English accents as inherently superior/inferior to others in the context of work and careers.Design/methodology/approachThis conceptual paper draws on existing literature mainly from critical sociolinguistic and labor studies to support its central argument.FindingsThrough acting as a skill, a technology and a commodified service, accent modification naturalizes linguistic hierarchies, which are racist, classist and colonial constructions, and reinforces the structural status quo in different contexts.Practical implicationsIn order to move away from accent modification as a means to enhance oral communication at work, organizational attempts at fostering mutual intelligibility and undoing the role of accent in workplace communication are necessary.Originality/valueContrary to research that presents accentism as a purely interpersonal issue, the paper explores how accentism is institutionalized and is connected to linguistic profiling.

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Section: Accent Modification and Workplace Accentismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Accent modification and workplace accentism: the institutionalization of linguistic profiling and its career implications

Ramjattan

2024

CDI

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“…Smell, as I've written elsewhere, is emblematic of non-belonging (Ameeriar, 2017). Martin Manalansan IV (2006) has discussed food smells as a basis of Othering immigrant bodies, and Aihwa Ong (2003) has written about how smells, unlike offensive bodies, cannot be contained, so the focus on offensive smells represents anxiety over managing refugee bodies in public space.…”

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confidence: 99%

“…In 2017, I published a book that emerged from my own anxiety around growing up a “smelly immigrant,” or more specifically a “smelly Pakistani” (Ameeriar, 2017). The anxiety was so great that I would fight with my mother when she cooked South Asian food—food that now, 4 years after her death, I wish I could ask her to make.…”

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confidence: 99%

Smelling

Ameeriar

2023

Feminist Anthropology

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I stumbled bleary-eyed into my daughter's nursery as I'd done a million times in the past 2 years. Pulled off her sleep sack as she jumped up and down. "Mommy, Mommy." Something seemed weird. As I began to change her diaper, I was surprised to see a poop blowout. Then I realized it: I couldn't smell.It happened to me. I'm one of those. She had come home from daycare with a fever about 10 days before. A few days later, I had what felt like a bad cold. In Ontario, there's no more free COVID testing unless you are part of a vulnerable population, and a single mother in a pandemic is no longer considered vulnerable enough. Earlier that day I had seen a United States-based friend's social media post about how COVID tests are being distributed through vending machines all over the University of California, Los Angeles campus. Having lived in California only a year and a half prior, the pictures of privilege hit me hard. Following provincial guidelines, I had to just go ahead and assume I had it.I finished changing Sophie and took her to my room while I closed my eyes and played Cocomelon on my phone. Surviving our quarantine meant trying to get a little more half sleep before the day begins. Sophie had taken to looking at me and saying, "Mommy sleeping." She wasn't kidding, and she definitely did some astute social commentary. More like "Mommy zombie."In 2017, I published a book that emerged from my own anxiety around growing up a "smelly immigrant," or more specifically a "smelly Pakistani" (Ameeriar, 2017). The anxiety was so great that I would fight with my mother when she cooked South Asian food-food that now, 4 years after her death, I wish I could ask her to make. I carried Secret antiperspirant in my backpack in high school, constantly reapplying during the day during those anxious, sweaty years when we're learning to become adults.The pandemic has been weird. It's been weird for everybody, and for me it's meant a radical shift in my relationship to my body. A body that still hasn't fully recovered from the experience of birth. Bodily scars have more or less healed, but the body I inhabit is no longer mine. Or no longer just mine. I share it. I swore I would stop breastfeeding when my daughter turned 1, but then the vaccine was coming and evidence seemed to support that antibodies could be passed to infants through breastmilk, so I didn't wean. Then I imagined a hard deadline at 2, This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which permits use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made.

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“…77I was also deeply aware of the problems with stigmatizing the tastes and smells of certain foods. Lalaie Ameeriar (2017) writes of the ways in which immigrant body odors, clothing, and appearances are controlled and sanitized by Canadian cultural norms and workplace policing. Martin Manalansan (2006) has also shown the ways that smells of foods are used to exoticize, stigmatize, and discriminate against Asian immigrants.…”

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confidence: 99%

Food, Taste, and the Body: Ingestion and Embodiment in Santiago de Cuba

Garth

2022

Med Anthropol Q

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Using a Black feminist embodied approach, this article analyzes the ways in which people in Santiago de Cuba draw on their own embodied practices, sensory experiences, and popular knowledge to determine what forms of ingestion (food, drink, etc.) are good for the body. Influenced by historical ideals of food consumption and colonial entanglements, Cubans use a combination of knowledge gleaned from biomedicine, official nutrition guidelines, and humoral medicine, which are not always in agreement, to ensure that they are taking care of their bodies appropriately. In addition to these external sources, they also continuously assess their own embodied responses to ingestion (e.g., pain, illness, headaches, or other bodily sensations) to determine which foods and drinks should be consumed. Practices of healthy ingestion may also vary between people and circumstance, which people learn over time and from one another, layering on another interpersonal dimension of embodied knowledge. [Cuba, food, embodiment, health, ingestion]

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Downwardly Global: Women, Work, and Citizenship in the Pakistani Diaspora. LalaieAmeeriar. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017.

Cited by 3 publications

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Accent modification and workplace accentism: the institutionalization of linguistic profiling and its career implications

Accent modification and workplace accentism: the institutionalization of linguistic profiling and its career implications

Smelling

Food, Taste, and the Body: Ingestion and Embodiment in Santiago de Cuba

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