Resumen A medida que el sistema alimentario cubano contemporáneo cambia, los consumidores domésticos necesitan ajustar sus hábitos diarios de consumo alimentario. En este artículo demuestro las maneras en que los consumidores cubanos usan la categoría de la “comida decente” para mantener los límites de los alimentos “reales”. Introduzco la “dignidad alimentaria” como una estructura para entender por qué los cubanos consideran ciertas prácticas de consumo decentes, llamando a otros “no reales”. La noción de dignidad alimentaria es una forma de dar un significado social a nuevas formas de consumo mientras la disponibilidad de los alimentos cambia con cambios socioeconómicos en Cuba. La categorización de sus comidas en esta manera es una forma de afecto mediado que esta profundamente enredado con deseos de vivir de manera idealizada. Los conceptos de dignidad alimentaria y la comida decente contribuyen a una comprensión más amplia de cómo las personas hacen el significado de las circunstancias cambiantes de la vida. [comida, Cuba, globalizacion, identidad, mercados, nutricion]

Cuba has had a nationalized food rationing system since 1962, and has been lauded for exemplary food security innovations in the face of national financial hardship. Decreases in food and agricultural related importations after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990 limited the amount of food provided in the monthly rations, forcing individuals to acquire increasing amounts of their food through other means. This article reveals the complexities Cubans face when attempting to access foods in Santiago de Cuba. This project examines how Cubans experience their food system, their struggles to maintain food traditions despite the low availability of ingredients, and how people use and relate to Cuba's food provisioning system. In this article two memories of past periods of abundance are juxtaposed to show the different ways in which individuals interpret food security. The analysis of semistructured interviews, community mapping, and participant‐observation reveal the ways in which residents of Santiago de Cuba orient to their present situation through memories of past periods when foods were more available and more easily accessible.

The Lancet Commissions are widely known as aspirational pieces, providing the mechanisms for consortia and networks of researchers to organize, collate, interrogate and publish around a range of subjects. Although the Commissions are predominantly led by biomedical scientists and cognate public health professionals, many address social science questions and involve social science expertise. Medical anthropologist David Napier was lead author of the Lancet Commission on Culture and Health (2014), for example, and all commissions on global health (https://www.thelancet.com/global-health/commissions) address questions of social structure, everyday life, the social determinants of health, and global inequalities.

In this article, I argue that the temporal experience of contemporary Cuba must be understood as co-constituted in both the struggles of daily life and cycles of celebration. As the socialist welfare state has tried to maintain quality of life in post-Soviet Cuba, the daily work of acquiring basic goods and services has increasingly become a struggle (una lucha). Yet, while everyday life is experienced as a struggle, Cubans are often seen reveling in the joyous experience of celebration at parties or annual festivals. Rather than view these events as spectacular, I argue that they are central to socialist temporality and the lived experiences of the doble moral, a set of shifting values and actions under post-Soviet Cuban socialism. Analyzing the ways in which Cubans living in Santiago de Cuba experience the celebratory aspect of Carnaval, birthday parties, and La Noche Santiaguera, a weekly street party, I argue that the temporal experiences of anticipation, inversion, and rejuvenation juxtaposed with the quotidian experiences of the struggle (la lucha) are central to the lived experiences of Cubanidad and socialism in Cuba today.[festivals, temporality, consumption, Caribbean, Cuba] RESUMEN En este artículo, argumento que la experiencia temporal de la Cuba contemporánea debe ser entendida como co-constituida tanto en las luchas de la vida diaria como en los ciclos de celebración. En la medida que el estado de bienestar socialista ha tratado de mantener una calidad de vida en la Cuba postsoviética, el trabajo diario de adquirir bienes y servicios básicos se ha convertido crecientemente en una lucha. Sin embargo, mientras la vida diaria se vive como una lucha, los cubanos a menudo se ven deleitándose en la experiencia gozosa de celebración en fiestas o festivales anuales. En vez de ver estos eventos como espectaculares, argumento que ellos son centrales a la temporalidad socialista y las experiencias vividas de la doble moral, un conjunto de valores y acciones cambiantes bajo el socialismo cubano postsoviético. Analizando las formas en las cuales los cubanos que viven en Santiago de Cuba tienen la experiencia del aspecto celebratorio del Carnaval, las fiestas de cumpleaños, y La Noche Santiaguera, una fiesta semanal en la calle, argumento que las experiencias temporales de anticipación, inversión y rejuvenecimiento yuxtapuestas con las experiencias cotidianas de lucha son centrales para las experiencias vividas de cubanidad y socialismo en Cuba hoy. [festivales, temporalidad, consumo, el Caribe, Cuba]

This article introduces the feminist praxis of duoethnography as a way to examine the COVID era. As a group of diverse, junior, midcareer, and senior feminist scholars, we developed a methodology to critically reflect on our positions in our institutions and social worlds. As a method, duoethnography emphasizes the dialogical intimacy that can form through anthropological work. While autoethnography draws on individual daily lives to make sense of sociopolitical dynamics, duoethnography emphasizes the relational character of research across people and practices. Taking the relational aspects of knowledge production seriously, we conceptualized this praxis as a transformative method for facilitating radical empathy, mobilizing our collective voice, and merging together our partial truths. As collective authors, interviewers, and interlocutors of this article, the anonymity of duoethnography allows us to vocalize details of the experience of living through COVID‐19 that we could not have safely spoken about publicly or on our own.