Does selective acculturation work? Cultural orientations, educational aspirations and school effort among children of immigrants in Norway

Abstract

This article examines educational aspirations, expectations and school effort among adolescents, using the first wave of the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study in Norway. In comparative terms, youth in Norway have exceptionally high aspirations. Nevertheless, we find an immigrant advantage in terms of both educational aspirations, expectations and school effort, despite considerable disadvantage in terms of low parental socioeconomic status and early educational attainment. A significant part of the immigrant advantage in aspirations and effort is associated with selective acculturation, defined as cultural distinctiveness in terms of religion, collective family orientation and regular use of parental language. This is however not the case for expectations. The findings support a central component of segmented assimilation theory, which states that in their efforts to overcome the challenges of integration, children of disadvantaged minorities may benefit from maintaining some aspects of their parents' cultural orientations.

Who wants to be Norwegian – who gets to be Norwegian? Identificational assimilation and non-recognition among immigrant origin youth in Norway

“…In the US, proponents of segmented assimilation theory have argued that disadvantaged minority youth may reject an identity as Americans, instead adopting "oppositional" or "reactive" ethno-racial identities derived from the existing US racial hierarchy (Haller, Portes, and Lynch 2011;Portes and Rivas 2011;Portes and Rumbaut 2001;Portes and Zhou 1993;Portes, Fernandez-Kelly, and Haller 2005;Rumbaut 2008). The concept of selective acculturation suggests that for the children of resourcepoor immigrants who face large obstacles to integration in the form of discrimination and hostility it may be beneficial to retain some parts of the parents' home country identity (Friberg 2019;Portes and Rumbaut 2001). While both selective acculturation and reactive ethnicity involve ethnic identities distinct from the majority, they represent different adaptations.…”

“…While both selective acculturation and reactive ethnicity involve ethnic identities distinct from the majority, they represent different adaptations. Selective acculturationto partially retain an identity linked to one's parental originis usually thought to be a purposeful adaptation overcome barriers through use of ethnic social capital, and thus associated with positive integration outcomes (Friberg 2019). Reactive identities on the other hand is usually conceptualized as a negative reaction to structural discrimination, and associated with negative integration outcomes.…”

“…Those with better grades identify more strongly with their parental origin. A possible interpretation is that this is a case of reversed causality and an effect of selective acculturation, whereby retaining an identification with one's parental cultural origin is associated with an "immigrant drive" towards education (see also Friberg 2019). It should be noted, however, that we find an even stronger correlation between grades and national identity, reflecting how educational success appears to be associated with a strong identity and sense of self in general, whether this is related to ethnic or national identities.…”

Marginality and banality in the segregated city: Reflections on the ‘riots’ in Oslo

“…Having said this, the case of Baha and his peers also resembles the findings of 'relational aggression', 'coolness hierarchies' and ideas about masculinity among Norwegian 'majority boys' discussed by Eriksen and Lyng (2018: 400-404). This points to social and cultural similarities between different categories of youths and young males, supporting the more general claim by Andersen and Biseth (2013) and Friberg (2019) that so-called visible minorities living in stigmatised East-End neighbourhoods to a large degree 'share in the ways of life and projects of the "majority"' (Andersen and Biseth, 2013: 18; see also Lauglo, 2017: 413). However, there are ethnic and/or gender differences, as for instance when it comes to participation in organised sports, where far fewer ethnic minority girls are registered members compared to ethnic majority girls and boys in general (Eriksen and Frøyland, 2017: 15-18, 84).…”

Decline, Revival, Change? Religious Adaptations among Muslim and Non-Muslim Immigrant Origin Youth in Norway

“…Some scholars have suggested that Muslim immigrants in Europe may develop a form of reactive religiosity as a response to discrimination and prejudice, further hampering their integration (Voas and Fleischmann 2012;Diehl, Koening, and Muhlau 2013). So-called selective acculturation, on the other hand, which involves holding onto a firm ethnic and/or religious identity, may, according to segmented assimilation theory, help immigrant-origin youths avoid alienation and steer clear of risky temptations and missteps on their path to integration (Portes and Rumbaut 2001;Portes and Fernández-Kelly 2008;Portes and Rivas 2011;Friberg 2019). Thus, we should expect neither a universal trend toward secularization nor a simple correlation between religiosity and structural integration.…”