Does Religious Discrimination Promote Dissent? A Quantitative Analysis

Akbaba, Yasemin; Taydaş, Zeynep

doi:10.1080/17449057.2011.561988

Cited by 74 publications

(42 citation statements)

References 68 publications

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“…Religion can contribute to inciting violent armed conflict (e.g., Akbaba and Taydas 2011;Basedau, Pfeiffer, and Vüllers 2014). However, discussions on the role of religion in violence often neglect the fact that, while religious clashes attract much attention, they actually represent a minority of conflicts around the world.…”

Section: The Peace Impact Of Local Religious Institutionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The basic argument is that religious diversity (i.e., specific religious constellations or horizontal inequalities between religious groups) is prone to interreligious mobilization and increases the risk of violence. Some statistical studies find evidence that religious identities can intensify large-scale violent conflicts (e.g., Akbaba and Taydas 2011;Basedau, Pfeiffer, and Vüllers 2014), while others do not find overall robust associations with violence (e.g., Ellingsen 2000;Fearon and Laitin 2003;Montalvo and ReynalQuerol 2005). Importantly, though, quantitative studies on religion and organized armed conflicts generally do not take the institutional dimension of religion into account.…”

Section: Communal Violence and Local Religious Institutionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Pacifying Effects of Local Religious Institutions

Juan

Pierskalla

Vüllers

2015

Political Research Quarterly

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This paper tests whether local religious institutions have a dampening effect on the probability of communal violence. It argues that a dense layer of institutions strengthens horizontal and vertical contacts and networks within religious communities. Horizontal linkages help to bridge social, economic, and ethnic divisions. Vertical contacts enable religious leaders to stay informed about communal grievances among their followers and to coordinate conflict resolution attempts. In our analysis of more than 60,000 villages in Indonesia, we are able to document a statistically significant and substantively meaningful negative effect of the density of local religious institutions on the probability of mass fighting. This effect is robust to the inclusion of an exhaustive list of confounding variables and alternative measures of violence. We present additional evidence that this pacifying effect of religious institutions is weaker or absent in conflicts that evolve along explicitly religious cleavages.

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Section: The Peace Impact Of Local Religious Institutionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Communal Violence and Local Religious Institutionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Pacifying Effects of Local Religious Institutions

Juan

Pierskalla

Vüllers

2015

Political Research Quarterly

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“…Teachers who think that they suffer political discrimination may be likely to display dissent behaviour from a democratic point of view. A survey conducted by Akbaba and Taydaş (2011) has identified discrimination as one of the causes of organizational dissent but also found that there is a low positive relationship between the administrative discrimination sub-dimension of political discrimination and the latent dissent sub-dimension of organizational dissent and that discrimination in administrative affairs is a low predictor of latent dissent. In this case, one may speak of organizational silence in education organizations and of democracy, and this may be the subject of other studies.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It is also an important variable for the organization to develop and rest on ethical foundations (Shahinpoor and Matt, 2007). There may be different reasons for dissent by employees, which may be listed as unacceptable behaviour towards employees, organizational change, injustice in the distribution of resources, the incompetence of managers, unethical behaviour, conflicts, and inability to participate in decision-making (Kassing and Armstrong, 2002) and discrimination against employees (Akbaba and Taydaş, 2011).…”

Section: Organizational Dissentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Relationship between political discrimination and dissent behaviour displayed by teachers

Kara¹

2015

Educ. Res. Rev.

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The aim of this study is to find out whether there is a significant relationship between perceived political discrimination and dissent behaviour displayed by primary school teachers. This study was designed with correlational research method and survey technique was used to collect data. Primary school teachers working in Tuzla, Istanbul constitute the research population of the study. 362 teachers willing to answer the scales participated in the study. The data were collected through the Political Discrimination Scale for Teachers developed by Keskinkılıç-Kara and Büyüköksüz (2013) and Dissent Behaviours Scale developed by Özdemir (2013). The results have shown that the level of discrimination in administrative issues perceived by teacher is "high" and the level of discrimination in social relations "medium". The level of political discrimination perceived by teachers does not significantly differ by gender, age, seniority or duration of employment at the institution. It has been found that there is a significant positive relationship between the administrative discrimination sub-dimension of political discrimination and the latent dissent sub-dimension of organizational dissent and that discrimination in administrative issues is a low predictor of latent dissent.

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“…Recent quantitative works have found evidence that civil war becomes more likely when religious cleavages run parallel to divides of income, geography, and religion (e.g., Gubler and Selway 2012). Akbaba and Taydas (2011) found that religious discrimination by the state against ethnoreligious minorities slightly increases the risk of violence (see also Fox, James, and Li 2009).…”

Section: Religion and Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

When Do Religious Leaders Support Faith-Based Violence? Evidence from a Survey Poll in South Sudan

Basedau

Koos

2015

Political Research Quarterly

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Religion has increasingly become important in conflicts worldwide. Religious leaders may play a key role in mobilizing believers as they can call for peace or instigate violence. But what makes religious leaders support peace or promote violence? Drawing on a survey poll of 102 religious leaders in Juba, South Sudan, this paper represents virtually the first attempt to study the correlates of pro-violence opinions of religious elites in a more quantitative manner in a developing country. The paper analyzes when and why some religious leaders support faith-based violence while others do not. Employing a unique combination of innovative measures, our results have many implications for mobilization processes. We find that leaders' support for faith-based violence is largely independent of individual demographic or personal determinants but is closely related to religious attitudes. Tolerance toward other faiths and secularism reduce pro-violence attitudes. Muslims seem to be more ready to support faith-based violence, probably given their minority status and other peculiarities of Islam in (South) Sudan. Surprisingly, interreligious activities do not reduce support for violence but increase appreciation for peaceful protest. Generally, determinants of peaceful protest substantially differ, suggesting that any support for violence follows its own distinct logic.

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Does Religious Discrimination Promote Dissent? A Quantitative Analysis

Cited by 74 publications

References 68 publications

The Pacifying Effects of Local Religious Institutions

The Pacifying Effects of Local Religious Institutions

Relationship between political discrimination and dissent behaviour displayed by teachers

When Do Religious Leaders Support Faith-Based Violence? Evidence from a Survey Poll in South Sudan

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