Dissensus and democratic accountability in a case of conflict

Abstract

<jats:sec><jats:title content-type="abstract-subheading">Purpose</jats:title><jats:p>This paper explores diverse practices of the giving and demanding of democratic accountability within a case of conflict around deep-sea petroleum exploration in Aotearoa New Zealand. These practices include submissions and consultations, partnership between Indigenous Peoples and a settler-colonial government and dissensus. These are theorised through the political thought of Jacques Rancière.</jats:p></jats:sec><jats:sec><jats:title content-type="abstract-subheading">Design/methodology/approach</jats:title><jats:p>A single case study approach is employed that seeks to particularise and draws on interview, documentary and media materials.</jats:p></jats:sec><jats:sec><jats:title content-type="abstract-subheading">Findings</jats:title><jats:p>By examining a case of conflict, the authors find that as opportunities for participation in democratic accountability processes are eroded, political dissensus emerges to demand parts in the accountability process. Dissensus creates counter forums within a wider understanding of democratic accountability. In this case, individuals and organisations move between police (where hierarchy counts those with a part) and politics (exercised when this hierarchy is disrupted by dissensus) to demand parts as police logics become more and less democratic. These parts are then utilised towards particular interests, but in this case to also create additional parts for those with none.</jats:p></jats:sec><jats:sec><jats:title content-type="abstract-subheading">Originality/value</jats:title><jats:p>This study privileges demands for accountability through dissensus as fundamental to democratic accountability, rather than just account giving and receiving. That is, who is or who is not included – who has a stake or a part – is crucial in a broader understanding of democratic accountability. This provides democratic accountability with a radical potential for creating change. The study also advances thinking on democratic accountability by drawing from Indigenous perspectives and experiences in a settler-colonial context.</jats:p></jats:sec>

The interaction of hierarchical and socializing accountability and the emergence of intelligent accountability in a classroom – a critical analysis

“…However, this study covers one specific case, so its results cannot necessarily be generalized to other contexts or individuals. Therefore, it is important for future researchers to continue to examine these dynamics in different settings with different complexities (Scobie et al, 2020) and cultural properties that may impact on the success or failure of accountability practices (Leoni et al, 2021). This will uncover more dimensions in which accountability is experienced, which will in turn serve to enhance accountability in organizations (Sinclair, 1995).…”

Accounting for Corporate Human Rights: Literature Review and Future Insights

“…2011; Gallhofer et al. 2011; Sikka 2011; McPhail 2013; Li and Mckernan 2016). Some scholars argue that the current accounting system can induce corporate changes.…”

“…2011; Hazelton 2013; McPhail and Ferguson 2016; Li and Mckernan 2016; Dumay and Hossain 2019; Sukhari and de Villiers 2019). These drawbacks are more evident in developing than in developed countries (Lauwo and Otusanya 2014; Siddiqui and Uddin 2016; O'Brien and Dhanarajan 2016; Sikka 2011).…”

“…Researchers often highlight the contradiction between traditional accounting, which focuses on profit maximisation, and human rights requirements (Cooper et al. 2011; Sikka 2011). However, some scholars argue that specific interests do not entirely dominate traditional accounting practices, which can still serve various interests (Gallhofer and Haslam 2005).…”

De otro mundo y en otra lengua. Informes de sostenibilidad sin conflictos ambientales ni pueblos originarios

“…En esta circunstancia, la intervención de gobiernos e instituciones estatales ha resultado crucial, en unos casos, para propiciar los desarrollos de la legislación ambiental en la región y, por contraste en otros, para explicar la creciente pérdida de derechos, tierras, recursos, tradiciones y vidas de los pueblos originarios e indígenas (González, 2005). Numerosas organizaciones y movimientos sociales indígenas persisten en su lucha por la soberanía de los pueblos indígenas y sus derechos, lo que desde otra perspectiva (Scobie et al, 2020) está indisolublemente entrelazada con la lucha universal por la igualdad.…”