Disputes over land and water rights in gold mining: the case of Cerro de San Pedro, Mexico

Stoltenborg, Didi; Boelens, Rutgerd

doi:10.1080/02508060.2016.1143202

Cited by 38 publications

(34 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…Decision-making on water allocation rights is still dominated by big players in river basin councils as underground water rights are granted to large food and mining corporations in water scarce regions (COMDA, 2017;Stoltenborg and Boelens, 2016), who use their economic influence to get additional water rights despite drilling bans in place by Conagua, as found during fieldwork in early 2017. Reis (2014) documented how the water authority allowed the existence of the black market in the Valley of Mexico basin, where powerful stakeholders could buy out thousands of cubic meters from impoverished farmers.…”

Section: Growing Gap Between Water Supply and Demandmentioning

confidence: 99%

A half-baked solution: drivers of water crises in Mexico

2018

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Abstract.Mexico is considered a regional economic and political powerhouse because of the size of its economy, and a large population in constant growth. However, this same growth accompanied by management and governance failures are causing several water crises across the country. The paper aims at identifying and analyzing the drivers of water crises. Water authorities seem to focus solely on large infrastructural schemes to counter the looming water crises, but fail to structure a set of policies for the improvement of management and governance institutions. The paper concludes with the implications of a business-as-usual policy based on infrastructure for solving water problems, which include a non-compliance to the human right to water and sanitation, ecosystem collapses and water conflicts.

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Section: Growing Gap Between Water Supply and Demandmentioning

confidence: 99%

A half-baked solution: drivers of water crises in Mexico

2018

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“…Through these movements, marginalized resource-user groups challenge existing multiscalar arrangements to produce other scales, and they do so by organizing across scales-connecting multiple actors, levels and issues. As Stoltenborg and Boelens (2016) conclude: "by linking, for example, local village initiatives, women's groups, and journalists and newspapers with provincial indigenous and peasant federations, national ombudsman and civil rights offices, international research centers, and environmental and human rights NGOs, the negotiation forces (including access to research, information dissemination and possibilities for international arbitrage) can become more balanced and one-sided discourses can be challenged." In Canada, Neville and Weinthal (2016) document how an environmental movement strategically connected a local struggle against a liquefied natural gas plant to the more distant problem of extraction of this gas and thus to broader anti-fracking and climate justice struggles.…”

Section: Social Movements As Polycentric Arrangements and As Excludmentioning

confidence: 99%

Polycentric struggles: The experience of the global climate justice movement

Tormos-Aponte

García-López

2018

Env Pol Gov

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What is the relationship between social movements and polycentric governance? The concept of polycentricity has been at the center of recent debates in environmental governance. While most of this work has analyzed polycentric arrangements in relation to collaborative and adaptive governance, some have recently focused on how political conflicts shape these arrangements. In this paper we build on this work through Luther Gerlach's forgotten framework of polycentric social movements to undertake the task of politicizing polycentricity. This task entails expanding the analytical focus of institutional analyses of polycentricity and examining the social group politics of social movements. To this end, we present a case study of the climate justice movement and its relation to climate change governance. We analyze whether and to what extent the movement has embodied polycentric arrangements throughout its history, and to what effects. We show that show that, in seeking to address the multiscalar nature of environmental problems and the limits of existing institutional arrangements, climate justice groups are increasingly organized in a polycentric fashion. Climate justice groups mobilize multiple strands of environmental justice movements from the global North and South, as well as from indigenous and peasant rights movements, and it is organized as a decentralized network of semiautonomous, coordinated units. We find that this strategy generates new opportunities and challenges for the movement, and thus has important implications for its effectiveness in achieving these transformations. Lastly, we find that through these polycentric arrangements, movements such as that for climate justice are able to exert simultaneous influence on multiple sites of environmental governance, from the local to the global, furthering increased polycentricity in formal institutional arrangements.

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“…To be successful, affected local actors need to forge multi-actor alliances that work on multi-scalar levels, thus creating civil society networks that are internally complementary while connecting the local, national, and global struggles for water justice. Examples exist in the mining sector [e.g., Bogaert (2015) for Morocco; Bebbington et al (2010) for Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador; Ochoa (2006) and Stoltenborg and Boelens (2016) for Mexico; Urkidi (2010) for Chile]. Compared to mobilizations against mining sector extraction, so far, grassroots actions against water-extractive agribusiness exports have been limited at best, largely because of strong and deeply asymmetrical dependency ties within the sector (Vos and Boelens 2014).…”

Section: Local and Multi-scalar Reactionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Politics and Consequences of Virtual Water Export

Vos

Boelens

2016

Eating, Drinking: Surviving

Self Cite

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Virtual water is the water used or contaminated to produce a good or a service. With the large increase of export of agricultural produce during the last decades the amount of virtual water export has grown as well. Increased water contamination and water extraction for export from relative dry areas affects local ecosystems and communities. Simultaneously, the increased virtual water trade has weakened the local control over water resources by local communities, to the expense of multinational agribusiness and retailer companies. This repatterning of water control is fomented by numerous national governments, and at the same time contested by local communities. Partly as reaction to the critics on water depletion, agribusiness and retailers have created a number of water stewardship standards. Notwithstanding the possibilities for local communities to articulate their demands with these standards, until now most water stewardship standards have had littleor even negative -effects.Keywords Virtual water Á Agro-export Á Communities Á Water stewardship Á Contestation Virtual water represents the water used and contaminated to produce a product or service. Virtual water can be seen as "embedded" in products. It is an indicator of the amount of fresh water that evaporated or was contaminated during the production and transport of a product. Though the concept has been framed recently (e.g., Allan 1998), obviously, the practice of "virtual water trade" is as old as people have engaged in trade relations. Ancient empires as the Roman traded and transported large volumes of food throughout their territory and thereby, implicitly, conveyed huge quantities of virtual water across geographical scales (Dermody et al. 2014).

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Disputes over land and water rights in gold mining: the case of Cerro de San Pedro, Mexico

Cited by 38 publications

References 27 publications

A half-baked solution: drivers of water crises in Mexico

A half-baked solution: drivers of water crises in Mexico

Polycentric struggles: The experience of the global climate justice movement

The Politics and Consequences of Virtual Water Export

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