Discrimination over the Life Course: A Synthetic Cohort Analysis of Earnings Differences between Black and White Males, 1940-1990

Thomas, Melvin E.; Herring, Cedric; Horton, Hayward Derrick

doi:10.2307/3096991

Cited by 44 publications

(26 citation statements)

References 32 publications

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“…That is, the racial/ ethnic wage gap tends to be small early in one's career but grows as one's career advances. Previous studies credibly display this pattern (e.g., Rosenfeld 1992; Thomas and Horton 1992;Thomas, Herring, and Horton 1994;Cancio, Evans, and Maume 1996;Neal and Johnson 1996;Maume 1999Maume , 2004; Tomaskovic-Devey, Thomas, and Johnson 2005;DiPrete and Eirich 2006). In any case, future research on the changes in the racial/ethnic disparity among workers in the early stages of their careers is warranted.…”

Section: Sensitivity and Additional Analysesmentioning

confidence: 65%

New Color Lines: Racial/Ethnic Inequality in Earnings among College-Educated Men

Kim

2015

The Sociological Quarterly

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Using the 2003 National Survey of College Graduates, this study examined four perspectives on new color lines in America—white–nonwhite, black–nonblack, tri‐racial, and blurred—among college‐educated white, black, Hispanic, and Asian men. Findings show that the color lines have not been consistently drawn but vary by nativity and migration status. Among the native born, the color line for earnings cuts mainly across white and nonwhite when field of study and Carnegie classification are controlled for in addition to other covariates. On the other hand, among members of the 1.5 generation, who obtained both their high school and highest degrees in the United States, the lines are most salient between black and nonblack. Among first‐generation immigrants, who completed all their education in a foreign country, and 1.25‐generation immigrants, who obtained their high school diploma in a foreign country but earned their highest degree in the United States, there is a gradation of the color line with whites at the top and blacks at the bottom. Despite these mixed results, blacks fall consistently at the bottom of the racial hierarchy and whites at the top, regardless of nativity and migration status. Implications of the findings are discussed.

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Section: Sensitivity and Additional Analysesmentioning

confidence: 65%

New Color Lines: Racial/Ethnic Inequality in Earnings among College-Educated Men

Kim

2015

The Sociological Quarterly

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“…1 The sample includes US-born non-1 Statistical confounding is a problem in synthetic cohort analyses since it is difficult to separate age and period effects. I follow the example of Thomas, Herring and Horton (1994) and Glenn Hispanic White and US-born and foreign-born Cuban, Mexican, Korean, Filipino, Chinese and Japanese men and women of working-age, 25 to 54 years old (25 to 34 in 1980; 35 to 44 in 1990; 45 to 54 in 2000). 2 Foreign-born respondents are further classified by length of residence according to the census variable year of immigration.…”

Section: Data Set and Samplementioning

confidence: 99%

Self-Employment as an Indicator of Segmented Assimilation among Six Ethnic Minority Groups

Valdez¹

2012

Entrepreneurship Research Journal

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Investigations of socioeconomic assimilation among immigrant and ethnic minority groups are often limited to analyses of labor market outcomes only. This study investigates the relationship between self-employment, as one overlooked indicator of socioeconomic integration, and segmented assimilation. Using 1980Using , 1990Using , and 2000 census data this research examines how length of residence in the US and nativity affect ethnic minority group differences in: 1) self-employment trends as a percentage of all men and women; 2) changes in these percentages from 1980 to 2000; and, 3) the odds of being self-employed compared with US-born non-Hispanic Whites. Drawing from segmented assimilation theory, findings demonstrate a mainstream assimilation trajectory as measured by self-employment participation for most ethnic minority groups, although there is some evidence that Filipino men may follow a downward assimilation trajectory. The delayed assimilation hypothesis associated with the "ethnic entrepreneurship" paradigm is not supported. Findings also reveal differences in self-employment participation by gender; however, women's segmented assimilation trajectories are not markedly different from that of men with one exception: foreign-born Filipinas demonstrate mainstream assimilation. Evidence presented in this study encourages the use of self-employment as one aspect of socioeconomic assimilation.

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“…A second line of inquiry shows that African American managers and executives have restricted access to higher-order and rewardgenerating job tasks, including supervisory authority, job autonomy, and substantively complex work (Hyllegard, 1996;Hyllegard and Lavin, 1992;Kluegel, 1978;Smith, 2002Smith, , 1997Smith and Elliott, 2002;TomaskovicDevey, 1993;Wilson, 1997). A third line of research establishes that African Americans, relative to Whites, receive fewer income and socioeconomic status "returns" for investments in human-capital credentials such as years of education as well as experience in the labor force and with their present employer (Farley and Allen, 1987;Jaynes and Williams, 1989;Son et al, 1989;Thomas, 1995;Thomas et al, 1994).…”

mentioning

confidence: 98%

Race and Loss of Privilege: African American/White Differences in the Determinants of Job Layoffs From Upper-Tier Occupations

Wilson

McBrier

2005

Sociol Forum

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Data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics supports predictions from the minority vulnerability thesis concerning the determinants of job layoffs among African Americans and Whites who work in upper-middle-class occupations. Specifically, after controlling for seniority, layoffs for AfricanAmericans are relatively unstructured by traditional stratification-based causal factors, namely, background socioeconomic status, human-capital credentials, and job/labor market characteristics. Analyses also indicate that racial differences in the determinants of layoffs are more pronounced in nonservice-based than service-based firms in the private sector and in the private sector relative to the public sector.KEY WORDS: job layoffs; workplace; racial inequality.In the last decade and a half, a developing line of sociological research on racial stratification in the workplace has focused on African Americans and Whites who occupy relatively privileged positions in the American occupational structure (for reviews see Patillo-McCoy, 1999; Wilson et al., 1999). This research has shed light on the dynamics of inequality among a growing segment of the increasingly differentiated African American population. Sociologists have documented that in recent decades African Americans have increased their representation in upper-tier occupational categories-namely, those that include managers, executives,

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Discrimination over the Life Course: A Synthetic Cohort Analysis of Earnings Differences between Black and White Males, 1940-1990

Cited by 44 publications

References 32 publications

New Color Lines: Racial/Ethnic Inequality in Earnings among College-Educated Men

New Color Lines: Racial/Ethnic Inequality in Earnings among College-Educated Men

Self-Employment as an Indicator of Segmented Assimilation among Six Ethnic Minority Groups

Race and Loss of Privilege: African American/White Differences in the Determinants of Job Layoffs From Upper-Tier Occupations

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