Diffusion in Referendum Campaigns: The Case of EU Constitutional Referendums

Abstract

A note on versions:The version presented here may differ from the published version or, version of record, if you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher's version. Please see the 'permanent WRAP url' above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription. Luxembourg. While these referendums were seemingly distinct from one another, identical campaign posters and arguments were circulated across Europe. Diffusion is a process wherein new ideas and models of behavior spread geographically from a core site to other sites (Bunce et al., 2006). While referendum campaigns have been studied thoroughly, such cross-case influences remain overlooked (e.g. Glencross et al., 2011;Qvortrup, 2006). I show that campaign arguments were not always homegrown in the 2005 EU referendums. Campaigners could learn from the experience of previous campaigns. This was important because strategic arguments blamed the treaty for controversial issues such as degradation of welfare state or loss of national identity. Diffusion across cases was thus crucial in bringing new arguments into the debate. All campaigns were not created equal, and the cases were not independent.The extant literature has not applied diffusion theories to the study of referendum campaigns.Instead of using diffusion processes as an independent variable and trying to trace their effect on the referendum results quantitatively (e.g. Collingwood et al., 2012), I treat diffusion as the dependent variable and detail social mechanisms that connect referendum campaigns through interview data.

Moral framing and referendum politics: Navigating the empathy battlefield

“…Moreover, our data reveal that campaigners used a similar strategy in the 2015 same-sex marriage referendum. This is in line with previous research that presented evidence of learning in European Union-related referendums (e.g., Atikcan, 2015a;Jahn & Storsved, 1995).…”

Political Contestation about International Economic Agreements: Lessons for the Canada-UK Trade Relationship after Brexit

“…An important final point concerns diffusion effects, in other words, the transnational networking among campaigners and the impact of such networks on the framing processes. Research on EU referendums show that when referendums are held in a sequence, campaigners borrow "winning" campaign strategies, arguments and posters from one another, providing evidence of such networking and learning across cases (Atikcan 2015a;Jahn and Storsved 1995). Research on TTIP and CETA suggest the existence of a similar process, pointing to connections between the antitrade movements in various European countries and the key role of the broader Seattle-to-Brussels network in facilitating such interactions (Bauer 2016;Caiani and Graziano 2018;Siles-Brügge 2017).…”

Referendums in the European Union: Defective by Birth?

“…Under the logic of constitutionality a referendum is called when it is constitutionally mandatory or legislative. The logic of appropriateness is driven by legitimacy concerns: a referendum is called either because there are external factors that push for referendum (such as other Member States having a referendum, see Atikcan, ) or pressure from the inside (such as citizens who are strongly in favour of a referendum). The logic of partisan calculus follows partisan considerations on electoral benefits of the referendum.…”

“…Although referendums on EU issues had already been held at the beginning of the integration process (first referendum was in 1972), it was not until the referendum on the European constitution that there was such a diffuse use of referendums on EU issues across the Member States (Atikcan, ). Up until that moment, the majority of referendums on EU issues were related to accession to the European Union, except in Denmark and Ireland where most referendums on EU issues are mandatory.…”