Die Platte Industrialisierter Wohnungsbau in der DDR

Hannemann, Christine

doi:10.1007/978-3-322-91762-1

Cited by 50 publications

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“…The urban design and architectural characteristics of these estates were not new: they were based on a series of developments, from the 1920s, starting with the experiments of Neues Bauen (the name given to the Modern architecture that emerged in Germany in the 1920s and 1930s) and continuing with the industrialization of building techniques in the 1950s that gave form to what became known as the ‘Platte’ (Rowell, : 83; see also Hannemann, ). Although similar techniques were developed in West Germany (and in other western and eastern European countries, such as France and the USSR) during the same period (see Dufaux et al ., ), the ‘Platte’ was a category specific to East Germany, used both in the vernacular and in technical terminology to describe the elementary components of all the large‐scale housing estates and, more generally, those estates as a whole (Hannemann, : 14). Honecker's building programme was justified as an expression of the (new) social structures produced by socialism (Rowell, : 95), so the ‘Platte’ was also a symbol of socialist urban policies—an ‘amalgam’ of ideology and building practices ( ibid .…”

Section: Responding To ‘Territorial Stigmatization’ Within the Framewmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Under this programme, three large-scale housing estates were planned in the north, east and south-east of the East German capital, of which the Marzahn estate is the oldest and largest. The urban design and architectural characteristics of these estates were not new: they were based on a series of developments, from the 1920s, starting with the experiments of Neues Bauen (the name given to the Modern architecture that emerged in Germany in the 1920s and 1930s) and continuing with the industrialization of building techniques in the 1950s that gave form to what became known as the 'Platte' (Rowell, 2006: 83; see also Hannemann, 2000). Although similar techniques were developed in West Germany (and in other western and eastern European countries, such as France and the USSR) during the same period (see Dufaux et al, 2003), the 'Platte' was a category specific to East Germany, used both in the vernacular and in technical terminology to describe the elementary components of all the large-scale housing estates and, more generally, those estates as a whole (Hannemann, 2000: 14).…”

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Residents’ Responses to ‘Territorial Stigmatization’: Visual Research in Berlin

Cuny¹

2018

Int J Urban Regional Res

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This article deals with the symbolic dimension of the transformation process in a post‐socialist large‐scale housing estate in Berlin after reunification. This reflection is based on the concept of ‘territorial stigmatization’ and I use a photographic method to analyse the representational strategies employed by residents to manage territorial stigma: identifying with depoliticized images of the past, exiting the estate and questioning the very principle of representation. The first two strategies seem to be different ways of internalizing dominant representations of place. The latter differs from the first two in its use of iconic means to challenge the current spatial order and its opening up of possibilities for emancipation. The article thus also shows how photography as a research method can reflect on existing power relations.

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Section: Responding To ‘Territorial Stigmatization’ Within the Framewmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Residents’ Responses to ‘Territorial Stigmatization’: Visual Research in Berlin

Cuny¹

2018

Int J Urban Regional Res

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“…After years of reconstruction in Berlin, a city scarred by the destruction of war, the housing problem was to be solved by erecting industrially manufactured apartment buildings that were for the most part developed in large estates at the outer city limits in the form of new towns or districts. As a result of this one-sided orientation, the inner-city areas, consisting of old housing that had been ideologically devalued as the legacy of capitalist urban development, were neglected in town planning and were showing signs of structural decay (Hoscislawski, 1991;Hannemann, 2000). The outcome of this real-socialist practice of disinvestment was not only poor refurbishment of apartments in the old housing areas but also a vacancy rate of up to 20% in particular districts.…”

Section: Squats In East Berlin At the Beginning Of The 1990smentioning

confidence: 99%

Squatting and Urban Renewal: The Interaction of Squatter Movements and Strategies of Urban Restructuring in Berlin

Holm

Kuhn

2010

International Journal of Urban and Regional Research

111

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Squatting as a housing strategy and as a tool of urban social movements accompanies the development of capitalist cities worldwide. We argue that the dynamics of squatter movements are directly connected to strategies of urban renewal in that movement conjunctures occur when urban regimes are in crisis. An analysis of the history of Berlin squatter movements, their political context and their effects on urban policies since the 1970s, clearly shows how massive mobilizations at the beginning of the 1980s and in the early 1990s developed in a context of transition in regimes of urban renewal. The crisis of Fordist city planning at the end of the 1970s provoked a movement of "rehab squatting" ('Instandbesetzung'), which contributed to the institutionalization of "cautious urban renewal" ('behutsame Stadterneuerung') in an important way. The second rupture in Berlin's urban renewal became apparent in 1989 and 1990, when the necessity of restoring whole inner-city districts constituted a new, budget-straining challenge for urban policymaking. Whilst in the 1980s the squatter movement became a central condition for and a political factor of the transition to "cautious urban renewal," in the 1990s large-scale squatting — mainly in the eastern parts of the city — is better understood as an alien element in times of neoliberal urban restructuring.

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“…Le fonctionnalisme a produit des « zones d'habitat collectif » ; les urbanistes et aménageurs ont construit des « grands ensembles de périphérie » (Dufaux et Fourcaut, 2004 ;Hannemann, 2005) ; les institutions publiques ont créé des « zones urbaines sensibles » (Tissot, 2007) ; les anthropologues publient sur les multiples aspects de la culture des « banlieues » (Liell, 2003) ; les médias reviennent inlassablement sur l'insécurité dans les « ghettos » (Rigouste, 2004 ;Ronneberger et Tsianos, 2009). Ces mêmes espaces sont coproduits selon de multiples processus qui manipulent à la fois de la matière et des idées, des actions institutionnelles et des gestes quotidiens.…”

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