“…As counter-terrorism increasingly encroaches onto the education sector, both the impact of counter-terrorism objectives in reframing the purpose of education (see Gearon, 2013; O’Donnell, 2016) and the relationship between academics and counter-terrorism have become the subject of debate. A recent exchange between Jackson (2016) and Toros (2016) exemplifies the latter, and the article is situated within this context: namely, can academics engage with state counter-terrorism in productive ways? Jackson (2016) argues that the trajectory of the war on terror shows that counter-terrorism has become more nebulous as the remit of counter-terrorism processes and practices has expanded to incorporate more parts of society and its reach has extended across the globe.…”
Section: Academic Engagement With Counter-terrorismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…On the other hand, Toros (2016) argues that in her experience of engaging with counter-terrorism practitioners, there are times when tiny fissures emerge which academics can take advantage of for the purposes of furthering a more progressive agenda. In other ways, Gillborn (2008) makes a case for engagement in the context of anti-racist struggles in education.…”
Section: Academic Engagement With Counter-terrorismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Adopting those positions is difficult when primarily seeking impact and relevance above an ethical commitment to human rights and human security because it can also result in the level of impact dwindling over time. Toros (2016) struggled with such a problem: how to balance continued access and being heard with remaining faithful to research findings that may sometimes highlight the problems of state policy and practice. She found herself modifying language, stumbling and self-censoring to fight off the fear of rejection and come across as a reasonable person.…”
Section: Academic Engagement With Counter-terrorismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The article starts by outlining some of the debates around academic engagement with the state for the purposes of counter-terrorism. On one hand, there are those who view engagement as an exercise in futility (Bazian, 2016; Jackson, 2016), while on the other hand, there are those who see some potential to advance a progressive agenda by taking advantage of small fissures (Toros, 2016). These debates have acquired a new vitality since the introduction of the Prevent duty, so the next sections set out this context by outlining the Prevent duty responsibilities of Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) and how the university formulated its approach to the Prevent duty.…”
The Prevent policy was introduced in 2003 as part of the UK counter-terrorism strategy (CONTEST) with the aim of preventing the radicalisation of people to terrorism. In 2015, it was given a statutory footing in the Counter-Terrorism and Security Act and it became a legal duty for Higher Education Institutions among others. Since then, Higher Education Institutions have been working to ensure their compliance with the legal duty. This article reflects on the implementation of the Prevent duty in one university. It is informed by an engagement with the Prevent group in the university which was created to implement the Prevent duty. The article argues that academic expertise had little impact in shaping the implementation of the Prevent duty at the university because the epistemic stance of counter-terrorism side lines expertise and evidence so that it can maintain its coherence and integrity. Specifically, the impact of academic expertise was limited because critically oriented academic expertise complicates a straightforward implementation of the legal duty, a state-centric orientation in the Prevent group constrained the horizon of discussion, and a crisis of knowledge at the heart of counter-terrorism replaces expertise and evidence with ideology.
“…As counter-terrorism increasingly encroaches onto the education sector, both the impact of counter-terrorism objectives in reframing the purpose of education (see Gearon, 2013; O’Donnell, 2016) and the relationship between academics and counter-terrorism have become the subject of debate. A recent exchange between Jackson (2016) and Toros (2016) exemplifies the latter, and the article is situated within this context: namely, can academics engage with state counter-terrorism in productive ways? Jackson (2016) argues that the trajectory of the war on terror shows that counter-terrorism has become more nebulous as the remit of counter-terrorism processes and practices has expanded to incorporate more parts of society and its reach has extended across the globe.…”
Section: Academic Engagement With Counter-terrorismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…On the other hand, Toros (2016) argues that in her experience of engaging with counter-terrorism practitioners, there are times when tiny fissures emerge which academics can take advantage of for the purposes of furthering a more progressive agenda. In other ways, Gillborn (2008) makes a case for engagement in the context of anti-racist struggles in education.…”
Section: Academic Engagement With Counter-terrorismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Adopting those positions is difficult when primarily seeking impact and relevance above an ethical commitment to human rights and human security because it can also result in the level of impact dwindling over time. Toros (2016) struggled with such a problem: how to balance continued access and being heard with remaining faithful to research findings that may sometimes highlight the problems of state policy and practice. She found herself modifying language, stumbling and self-censoring to fight off the fear of rejection and come across as a reasonable person.…”
Section: Academic Engagement With Counter-terrorismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The article starts by outlining some of the debates around academic engagement with the state for the purposes of counter-terrorism. On one hand, there are those who view engagement as an exercise in futility (Bazian, 2016; Jackson, 2016), while on the other hand, there are those who see some potential to advance a progressive agenda by taking advantage of small fissures (Toros, 2016). These debates have acquired a new vitality since the introduction of the Prevent duty, so the next sections set out this context by outlining the Prevent duty responsibilities of Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) and how the university formulated its approach to the Prevent duty.…”
The Prevent policy was introduced in 2003 as part of the UK counter-terrorism strategy (CONTEST) with the aim of preventing the radicalisation of people to terrorism. In 2015, it was given a statutory footing in the Counter-Terrorism and Security Act and it became a legal duty for Higher Education Institutions among others. Since then, Higher Education Institutions have been working to ensure their compliance with the legal duty. This article reflects on the implementation of the Prevent duty in one university. It is informed by an engagement with the Prevent group in the university which was created to implement the Prevent duty. The article argues that academic expertise had little impact in shaping the implementation of the Prevent duty at the university because the epistemic stance of counter-terrorism side lines expertise and evidence so that it can maintain its coherence and integrity. Specifically, the impact of academic expertise was limited because critically oriented academic expertise complicates a straightforward implementation of the legal duty, a state-centric orientation in the Prevent group constrained the horizon of discussion, and a crisis of knowledge at the heart of counter-terrorism replaces expertise and evidence with ideology.
“…Related to this, the journal has continued to encourage greater reflexivity among scholars of terrorism about the ethics and consequences of the research process, the ways in which knowledge is used by different actors, and the role of the scholar in relation to their research subjects and to existing power structures in society. A recent issue, for example, includes a debate between two of the current editors about whether CTS scholars ought to engage with policymakers or instead reject policy relevance and make common cause with resistance groups (see Jackson 2016;Toros 2016). Despite such disagreements on with whom one should engage, CTS has remained committed to an engagement with the world, whether by standing quite literally side by side with protest movements across the world (as advocated by Jackson 2016 and in this issue) or through listening empathetically to Israeli women combatants (as argued in Daphna-Tekoah and Harel-Shalev also in this issue).…”
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Over the years, there have been many debates regarding the state of research into terrorism and whether "terrorism studies" constitutes an academic discipline in its own right. Such reflections, coupled with the natural evolution of what is still a relatively new area of research, have arguably led to significant improvements in quality and rigour. At the same time, the status of terrorism studies itself remains somewhat ambiguous: it is both discussed as a distinct field and simultaneously evades criticism by pointing to the difficulties of defining its boundaries. There are undoubtedly a number of advantages to forming a separate discipline, which would go some way to helping the field address some of the recurring problems that terrorism research faces. However, this article ultimately argues that scholars are better served by deliberately moving in the other direction and developing the field as a space for interdisciplinary engagement.
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