Development of citizen participation in Central and Eastern Europe after the EU enlargement and economic crises

Abstract

The main focus of this article is the role of organized civil society in facilitating citizen engagement in Central and East European new EU member states after the EU accession and the recent economic crises. Using international comparative methodologies and data this article analyses democratic processes in the new member states focussing on the changes in strengths and weaknesses of citizen engagement. It shows the ways in which the post-enlargement process, especially the economic crisis affected the ability of CEE citizens — both directly, and via civil society organisations and trade unions — to be active participants of the multilevel governance processes. It finds that one of the key remaining gaps of the democratization process remains the relative weakness of state—citizens relationship. The impact of the economic crisis on the CEE countries was significant, in particular in regard to financial viability of organised civil society. However, economic crisis also acted as an important mobilization factor, and in all countries under study, civic participation, enabled by civil society and trade unions increased. New initiatives — in particular those tackling corruption and party campaign finance, saw NGOs focussing their advocacy efforts towards the government as well as actively mobilizing and engaging citizens. Across the CEE region, we are seeing gradual social learning, internalization of new norms and emergence of new identities — active citizens engaged with (and if necessary in opposition to) the state — directly (public mobilization and protests) and via organized civil society.

Solidarity Practices in Poland and Their Social Capital Foundations

“…Relating our findings to the above-mentioned discussion about the unfavorable communist legacy of Polish civic practices (Guasti 2016;Jakubowska and Kaniasty 2014;Czapinśki 2014), even if we assume that familialism and low interest in public sphere are a part of this heritage, it turns out to be a less dismantling transnational solidarity action than one may thought. As noted-spending time with family does not have a negative effect on solidarity action, whereas spending time with friends has only a positive effect.…”

“…Further, we also make an analytical insight into the area of relations between individuals' social capital in Poland and these solidarity practices. Since Poland has been portrayed in scholarly literature as a country of low "civic" social capital and of strong familialistic bonds (Guasti 2016;Jakubowska and Kaniasty 2014;Czapinśki 2014), as well as a country focused on in-group solidarity (Glinśki 2006), we pose a question whether this specific post-communist legacy of social capital affects solidarity practices of Poles. In particular, we explore the role of bonding and bridging social capital in shaping solidarity behaviors in general, specifically its impact on transnational solidarity action.…”

“…Namely, it has been argued that civic participation and generalized trust in Poland are very low although typical of post-communist country (see e.g. Guasti 2016;Jakubowska and Kaniasty 2014;Czapinśki 2014). This stance has been recently challenged, though.…”

The Illiberal Turn or Swerve in Central Europe?

“…4 Government-controlled media outlets in Poland, Hungary and Slovakia-and Babiš's media in the Czech Republic-regularly attack organizations of civil society as "foreign agents" intent on undermining national sovereignty (Guasti, 2016). In Hungary, Orbán pioneered attacks on civil society by tightening rules on NGOs, often with foreign links and funding sources.…”

Safeguarding Democracy and the Rule of Law by Civil Society Actors? The Case of Poland

“…Hence, on the one side, there are very outspoken civil society actors, in Poland and the region (Guasti 2016) that may have an impact. But on the other side, a fruitful EU-NGO relationship in the field of rule of law backsliding may be difficult to achieve.…”