DETs in the functional syntax of Greek nominals

Abstract

In this dissertation, I explore the formal mechanisms underlying restrictive modification by nominals (RMN). The central claim is that RMN is dependent on how definiteness is encoded in a given language.In Greek, RMN is exemplified by extra definite determiners followed by bare adjectives, as shown in (1) below. These may precede or follow the matrix nominal:(1) To ksilino to kuti to skalistoThe wooden the box the carved "The carved wooden box"/ "The carved box the wooden one"Syntactically, I argue that the determiner and the adjective may form either a restrictive or nonrestrictive nominal depending on their structural position. Focusing on restrictive nominals, Iargue that they are adjuncts to nP, which raise to FocP when focused. These adjuncts are small nominals, consisting of acategorial roots and n. A look at the structure of the matrix noun reveals iii that adjectives adjoin to NumP, as they are always prenominal. A look at genitives also suggests that Greek nouns move as high as NumP. Central to this thesis is the question of what licenses RMN. Previous analyses have correlated itwith rich morphology (Lekakou and Szendrői, 2007, 2008. For them, the determiner is the spell-out of inflection, but is otherwise a semantic expletive. To these claims, I counter-argue that RMN is best viewed as being dependent on how definiteness is encoded and that the definite determiner is simply underspecified for definiteness. Assuming that definiteness consists of two components, familiarity and uniqueness, and based on data from Standard English and ScottishEnglish, I propose that definite determiners spelling out one component, familiarity, are predicted to exhibit RMN. Familiarity and uniqueness can thus be mapped into two syntactic projections, FamP and ιP, respectively. I then propose a syntactico-semantic mechanism that derives these constructions.Hence, this research offers a modern cross-linguistic account of RMN, while it also provides us with new insights about how definiteness can be encoded cross-linguistically.iv

Adjective-Noun combinations in Romance and Greek of Southern Italy

“…This happens because: (i) Pred is a nominal head and as such it has nominal features, including [+def] (because it belongs to the extended DP);39 (ii) the definite article is the default realization of the feature [+def]. By that we mean that whenever D is [+def] there is a definite article in the noun phrase (see also Kyriakaki 2011). What is important to note here is that [+def] does not encode semantic…”

“…This line of reasoning is in line with those analyses that assign an expletive (functional) character to the adjectival article in polydefinite DP s (cf. Androutsopoulou 1995), while attributing definiteness to either a postulated DefinitenessPhrase, DefP (Lekakou & Szendroi 2012), or a dedicated Iota Phrase (Kyriakaki 2011); for a more general crosslinguistic perspective concerning the role and function of (different types of) similar morphemes, which appear with noun modifiers in various languages and share several properties with the adjectival article in Greek (i.e., Linkers), see Franco, Manzini & Savoia (2015) and Manzini & Savoia (2018). Our analysis of the structure proposed for Greek polydefiniteness is developed in Section 4.…”

“…Semantic definiteness, instead, has been assumed to be due to the presence of other categories in the nominal phrase. For instance, Kyriakaki (2011) argues that semantic definiteness is related to an Iota Phrase and/or a Familiarity Phrase. A similar proposal is also made by Lekakou & Szendroi (2012), who treat the definite article as semantically expletive and locate semantic definiteness in a different functional head inside the nominal phrase, namely, DefP.…”

Preposition-drop in Greek: EPP-driven pseudo-incorporation

“…(8) pame stin platia. go.1PL (to.the) square.ACC 'we are going to the square' 7 See Kyriakaki (2011) and references therein for a literature review on Greek monadic and polydefinite DPs. 8 Gehrke and Lekakou (2013: 102) mention in passing that institutionalized or prototypical activities take place in these designated locations.…”

The Three Degrees of Definiteness

“…In English, I consider the definite determiner the and the null D which appears with proper names, possessives, and generics (Longobardi 1994, Ritter 1991, Massam and Ghomeshi 2009, Kyriakaki 2011a, among others). The SE definite determiner the typically introduces common nouns (cf.…”