The focus of this article is what Anderson (2005: 72) describes as 'another chronic puzzle in English', the case of to-contraction. We set out to show that the extent and nature of to-contraction has not been captured by the literature to date, because researchers have been concerned with two forms which are no longer synchronic to-contractions: wanna and gonna, and have taken a syntactic or morphological approach. On the basis of new phonological data from British English varieties we argue that the reduction of /t/ in to should be taken as evidence of to-contraction. We claim that to is a phonological clitic and to-contraction is simply the incorporation of the clitic to into the preceding prosodic word.

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The paper investigates preposition (and determiner) drop in Greek. A close look at the properties of preposition-drop reveals that despite the lack of a definite determiner, the place nominal that participates in preposition-drop is interpreted as familiar. This familiarity presupposition of the place nominal is achieved via movement of NP-to-SpecDP for the satisfaction of a D-feature bundle on D. Further, the lack of strict adjacency between the verb and the NP provides evidence that Greek preposition-drop aligns more closely with pseudo-incorporation. Here, pseudo-incorporation is triggered for the satisfaction of an EPP/LOC feature available on the verb and satisfied via PP-preposing.

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