Determinantien und Quantoren im Deutschen

Vater, Heinz

doi:10.1515/zfsw.1984.3.1.19

Cited by 22 publications

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“…Some authors seem to restrict their attention to the structure of definite determiners. For instance, Vater (1984:21, note 3) states that it is possible to analyze definite articles in German as involving a root morpheme and an inflectional morpheme ( d-er ). Similarly, Katzir (2011) proposes for Danish den that the d - is presumably a dummy and - en is a licensor for a definiteness feature.…”

Section: Previous Proposalsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Inner Makeup of Definite Determiners: The Case of Germanic

Roehrs

2013

J Ger Ling

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This paper studies the internal structure of definite articles and demonstratives in twelve Germanic languages. Examining synchronic and diachronic data as well as systematic gaps, it seeks to illuminate the nature of definiteness markers and inflections, d-and -er in German d-er 'the' and d-ies-er 'this', with the goal of identifying some consequences for the syntax of the determiner phrase as a whole. Arguing that definiteness markers are semantically vacuous elements, the paper proposes that articles involve an inflectional head in the syntax and demonstratives consist of an inflectional and a deictic head. Isomorphic correspondences between overt components and abstract syntactic structure may be partially or completely "masked" by postsyntactic operations. *(2) a. d-er the b. d-ér, d-ieser, d-essen, d-ass, d-ort, d-ann that, this, whose, that, there, thenWith Leu (2008) and others, I argue that this commonality is not accidental. I claim that determiners have inner structure. Second, parsing the definite article from right to left, in 3a one also notices that this determiner exhibits an ending that occurs elsewhere in German: It surfaces on demonstratives, adjectives, and quantifiers, as shown in 3b.(3) a. d-er the b. d-ér, dies-er, gut-er, manch-er that, this, good, someIn other words, identical inflections appear on different lexical items (for example, Duden 1995:277). In line with the first parsing, I argue that this is not an accidental state of affairs, but that these right-most components are regular inflections. Again, I claim that determiners have internal structure. While the parsing of the definite article (d-er) and the simple demonstrative (d-ér) may not seem very revealing, the segmentation of the complex demonstrative leads to a tripartite makeup: d-ies-er. I label the element in the middle DEICTIC PART. This type of component works as an instruction for the listener to identify a specific entity that is close to the speaker (that is, proximal) or farther away (that is, distal). With Leu (2008) and Roehrs (2010), I claim that all demonstratives, including simple demonstratives, have a deictic part. Resuming the comparison of the definite article and the demonstratives, I combine these two lines of inquiry by formulating the first hypothesis:(4) Hypothesis 1a (to be amended): Synchronic Relatedness of Definite DeterminersDefinite determiners are transparent with regard to the definiteness marker and the inflection.

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Section: Previous Proposalsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Inner Makeup of Definite Determiners: The Case of Germanic

Roehrs

2013

J Ger Ling

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“…u.a. Vater (1979Vater ( , 1984Vater ( , 1986. 6 "Die Funktion der grammatischen Kategorien besteht darin, den Ort zu rekonstruieren, von dem aus auf die Welt verwiesen wird."…”

Section: Phase Hi -Erwerb Dreigliedriger Np-strukturenunclassified

Entfaltung grammatischer Relationen im NP-Erwerb: Referenz

Bittner¹

1997

Folia Linguistica

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The acquisition of the different types of nominal reference in first language acquisition of German is closely connected with the expansion of the structural complexity of the noun phrase and the acquisition of determiners -especially the so-called defmite and indefinite article. 1t is assumed that the structure of grammar and the emergence of grammatical categories is based on the differentiation and specification of general cognitive and semantic concepts. The acquisition of the reference functions of the noun phrase provides evidence for this assumption. What could be observed up to the age of three is a step by step development of structural and referential properties of the noun phrase. The course of structural expansion is fairly well known already. It could be shown that in line with this process a differentiation of reference functions by the acquisition of features specifying the concept of reference is happening. The specifying features are derived form perceptive categories. Every new feature provides a specification of the previous stage and contains the features of all previous stages. So the acquisition of grammar becomes clearly a process of step by step dissociation of concepts and growth of feature complexity.The basic feature that is to be assumed here is [+nominal] which should contain the general reference capacity of nouns. The first specification takes place by the emergence of the feature [+defmite] symbolising the perceptive quality of an outside perspective (the reference object is to be perceived äs an outlined whole). The formal structure realising that kind of reference which still remains undetermined is the so-called indefinite article. After some steps of semantical specifications the next step of gramrnaticalization occurs -the emergence of the feature [+known] realised by the so-called defmite article. It provides a specification of the [+definite] domain and the ability to differentiate between undetermined and individual reference. VorbemerkungenKinder, die Deutsch als Muttersprache erwerben, sind zum Ende ihres dritten Lebensjahres in der Lage, Nominalphrasen (NP) zu bilden, in denen alle elementaren Positionen ausgefüllt sind. Sie verfügen über verschiedene Arten von Funktionswörtern, über Adjektive, die dem Nomen als Attribute zugeordnet werden können, und über Nomen selbst natürlich -und sie können diese verschiedenen sprachlichen Einheiten in der zielsprachlichen Anordnung miteinander kombinieFolia Lmguisüca XXXI/3-4

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“…A reference to the i n i t i a l s e t o f e l e m e n t s (in the case of quantification) does not allow the use of the NG of the type "quantifier + noun" in the predicate position, whereas NGs with an article take this position with no limitations: It seems to indicate that articles and quantifiers belong to different semantic categories (an alternative point of view : Vater 1984).…”

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Quantification and definiteness/indefiniteness: integration and functional identity of semantic categories

Kiklewicz

2017

Lingua Posnaniensis

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The reference theory popular in 1970-1990s, which aimed at integrating various forms of semantic determination of lexical units of the language analysed from the syntax perspective, provides the starting point for the author. Quantification and definiteness/indefiniteness were treated in numerous publications from that period as varieties of the same semantic category, i.e. determination of the referential status of nominal groups. The author assumes that both categories demonstrate functional independence, therefore their exponents form opposites. Consequently, the quantification model of definiteness/indefiniteness, cultivated by some researchers, is not supported in the language material, being rather a strictly logical structure. At the same time, the author demonstrates that certain relations and dependencies occur between the two categories. Four aspects of such dependencies: selection, implication, collocation and derivation, are examined in the paper using Polish language materials and materials of other European languages.

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Determinantien und Quantoren im Deutschen

Abstract: Heinz VaterDeterminantien und Quantoren im Deutschen NP-Quantoren -einschließlich des sog. "unbestimmten Artikels" -verhalten sich syntaktisch und semantisch anders als "echte"

Cited by 22 publications

References 2 publications

The Inner Makeup of Definite Determiners: The Case of Germanic

The Inner Makeup of Definite Determiners: The Case of Germanic

Entfaltung grammatischer Relationen im NP-Erwerb: Referenz

Quantification and definiteness/indefiniteness: integration and functional identity of semantic categories

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