Democratic Socialism in Jamaica

Stephens, Evelyne Huber; Stephens, John D.

doi:10.1515/9781400886074

Cited by 27 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…The move, accompanied by increasingly militant rhetoric, caused alarm among American mine owners and their Washington, D.C. representatives. Manley did not bow to American pressure, however, and instead, in 1973, declared “democratic socialism” in Jamaica (Stephens and Stephens 1986).…”

Section: Democratic Socialism As Decolonizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Although his government never sought a full nationalization of assets, its increasingly radical rhetoric and anti-imperialist stance antagonized local and foreign ruling classes. Many wealthy Jamaicans left the island with their capital, while investments and tourism revenues plummeted as a result of an orchestrated effort to portray Jamaica as unsafe on Western media outlets (Stephens and Stephens 1986).…”

Section: Crime and Counterrevolutionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This shift meant that, by then, it had already consolidated its power base. Now praising the security forces as defenders of the nation, the party raised concerns of a communist minority, trained by the Cubans to carry out paramilitary terror (Stephens and Stephens 1986: 132). The same year, the Police Federation issued a call to remove Minister of National Security Dudley Thompson from office due to government neglect of deadly assaults against policemen.…”

Section: Crime and Counterrevolutionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Black Police Power: The Political Moment of the Jamaica Constabulary

Maoz

2022

Comp Stud Soc Hist

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Contemporary debates on policing trace the rise of “law and order” populism and police militarization to colonial histories and imperial boomerang effects. In a time marked by the renewed imperative “to decolonize,” however, few studies examine what decolonizing policing did or could look like in practice. This article draws on oral history narratives of Jamaican police officers to recover their ideas about transforming the colonial Jamaica Constabulary Force in the 1970s. Born out of black power mobilizations and under a democratic socialist government (1972–1980), police decolonization was viewed as part of broader transformative effort to rid the country of colonial inheritances in economics, culture, and politics. Jamaican policemen, radicalized since the early twentieth century, then began revising their social mandate and ask who the police should serve and protect. Ultimately, due to internal contradictions and external pressures, the experiment failed, giving rise to police populism and increased violence against black men and women in the ghettos. The episode reveals how populism emerges out of a failure of emancipatory campaigns and how radical critique can turn into ideological justification. It also highlights the need to distinguish between diverse, contradictory, and overlapping demands to decolonize societies and institutions today.

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Section: Democratic Socialism As Decolonizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Crime and Counterrevolutionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Crime and Counterrevolutionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Black Police Power: The Political Moment of the Jamaica Constabulary

Maoz

2022

Comp Stud Soc Hist

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“…The result was economic chaos. The economy shrank during the last half of the seventies and came close to bankruptcy (Stephens and Stephens 1986). During the eighties, with the return to office of the conservative Jamaica Labor Party, Jamaica returned to the straight capitalist, openmarket path and has remained steadfastly on it in spite of changes of government.…”

Section: African-americansmentioning

confidence: 99%

Four modes of ethno-somatic stratification: the experience of Blacks in Europe and the Americas

Patterson¹

2005

Ethnicity, Social Mobility, and Public Policy

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Figure 3.1 African Diaspora by region populations go, however, it ranks second only to the Neo-European in size. In spite of the far greater number of Chinese and Indians, the African diaspora is substantially larger than those of these two peoples and it dwarfs those of the Jewish, Armenian, Kurdish, and other diaspora peoples. The African diaspora population is almost completely confined to the Atlantic lands, with the notable exception of the Pacific Afro-Colombian and Afro-Peruvian communities and, of course, Afro-Americans in the US Pacific coastal areas. Circa 2003 the diaspora populations were distributed as follows: 36,662,200 live in North America, of whom 36 million reside in the United States and 662,000 in Canada. There were 2,259,500 living in Mexico and Central America (not including Belize), the largest concentrations being in Mexico (approx. 1 million), Nicaragua (461,500), and Panama (414,500). Outside of Africa, South America is the continent with the largest number of persons of African ancestry (not counting Surinam, French Guiana, and Guyana). A total of 93,979,000 live on that continent, of whom 85 percent are to be found in Brazil. With 80,094,300 persons of self-identified African ancestry, Brazil is by far the country with the largest number of such persons outside of Africa. Indeed a little over one in two of all persons in the African diaspora live in Brazil and more persons of African ancestry live there than any other country except Nigeria. It should be noted also that this is a moderate estimate of the Afro-Brazilian population, restricted to persons who identify themselves as being of African

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“…Interest in the roles given to multinational corporations mining for nonrenewable resources arose in the early 1970s following a wave of nationalization of such operations in developing countries. Raymond Vernon (1971) and Theodore Moran (1974) offered the seminal works in this literature, although several important refinements and applications have been published since (for example Jenkins, 1986;Shafer, 1983;Stephens and Stephens, 1986). Foreign natural resource ventures were seen as doomed by the "obsolescing bargain," a product of the initial success of the enterprise and of national institutional development in the host country.…”

Section: Trade In Fishing Services and The Obsolescing Bargainmentioning

confidence: 99%

Transaction Costs and Host-Group Rivalry in Foreign Economic Policy: Evidence from Five North American Fisheries

Potter

2003

Can J Pol Sci

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This article shows that the timing and nature of policies hostile to foreign direct investment stem both from the transaction costs of negotiating with different host country agencies, and from changes to domestic and international coalitions. Divided agency jurisdiction is modeled as a partial property right to the use of a resource. Host industries lacking political cohesion allow foreign firms economic opportunities and a stronger political voice. Qualitative and quantitative evidence from five fisheries in the United States and Canada confirm that the costs of negotiating with a fractured government and the opportunity to form transnational coalitions lead host countries to adopt policies that will facilitate forced divestment. These policies vary in respect to their timing and format.

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Democratic Socialism in Jamaica

Cited by 27 publications

References 0 publications

Black Police Power: The Political Moment of the Jamaica Constabulary

Black Police Power: The Political Moment of the Jamaica Constabulary

Four modes of ethno-somatic stratification: the experience of Blacks in Europe and the Americas

Transaction Costs and Host-Group Rivalry in Foreign Economic Policy: Evidence from Five North American Fisheries

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