Definition and Dimensions of the Occult: Towards a Sociological Perspective

Truzzi, Marcello

doi:10.1111/j.0022-3840.1971.0503_635.x

Cited by 30 publications

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“…Magic was a central concern for the founding fathers of sociology, notably Durkheim, Weber and Mauss. Despite periodic efforts to resuscitate it as an object worthy of sociological study (for example, Truzzi, 1971;Tiryakian, 1972;O'Keefe, 1982;Stivers, 2001), magic has progressively been relegated to the position of a narrow specialism within the sociology of religion (itself increasingly marginalised within the sociological mainstream). Furthermore, as argued below, it has been constructed by the majority of sociologists in such a way that it is apprehended to be marginal -at best -to contemporary societal formations and trajectories.…”

Section: Dave Greenmentioning

confidence: 99%

Trust, Risk and Uncertainty

Watson¹,

Moran²

2005

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Section: Dave Greenmentioning

confidence: 99%

Trust, Risk and Uncertainty

Watson¹,

Moran²

2005

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“…Much of current sociological literature about the character of occult knowledge and practice (Truzzi, 1972a(Truzzi, , 1978Hyman, 1977) ignores the considerable social history of occult knowledge in Western culture. Consequently, it misses the sociocultural context in which occult meaning was constructed and applied.…”

Section: Occult Knowledgementioning

confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

“…The other view of the occult emphasizes a lack of scientific evidence for extraordinary claims to knowledge (Truzzi, 1972a(Truzzi, , 1978 and differences between "magica1"and "religious" beliefs Stark and Bainbridge, 1979). Occult practitioners are seen as victims of psychopathology, fakes and con artists, and entertainers and entrepreneurs Hyman, 1977;Tatro, 1974;Truzzi, 1972b). The occult, from this perspective, serves as the basis for collective behavioral audiences and practitioner-client relations not (religious) organization Stark and Bainbridge, 1980;Stark et al, 1979;Truzzi, 1972bTruzzi, , 1975.…”

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“…Occult practitioners are seen as victims of psychopathology, fakes and con artists, and entertainers and entrepreneurs Hyman, 1977;Tatro, 1974;Truzzi, 1972b). The occult, from this perspective, serves as the basis for collective behavioral audiences and practitioner-client relations not (religious) organization Stark and Bainbridge, 1980;Stark et al, 1979;Truzzi, 1972bTruzzi, , 1975.…”

mentioning

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Social Meanings of the Occult

Jorgensen

1982

The Sociological Quarterly

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Data from a participant‐observational study of the tarot are used to explore the social meanings of modern occultism and to examine certain rival contentions about these beliefs, practices, adherents, and the manner in which activities are or are not organized socially. Unlike collective behavioral audiences, which employ occultisms as a form of popular entertainment, the occult practitioners reported here participate in an “esoteric community” involving practitioner‐client relations, social networks, and small cult‐like groups. Although the occult tarot constitutes an elaborate theosophy, contemporary adherents selectively subscribe to these doctrines and they freely mix the occult, other esoteric teachings, and elements of traditional culture. When the tarot is used in a divinatory fashion as a service to the general public for pay, problems of legitimacy commonly arise. Occultists in the community deal with this problem by presenting themselves as “professionals.” Within the nominally pluralistic climate of American society, occultisms thereby become another path to dealing meaningfully with life's problems and expressing individual identity. Organized in terms of loose collections of practitioners and groups and supported by the larger cultic milieu, occult communities represent an adaptation to modern society which is likely to persist long after particular groups fail or particular individuals move on to other social scenes.

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Personality, cognition, and morbidity in the understanding of paranormal belief

Navarro

Guerra

2019

PsyCh Journal

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A large number of theories about the development and maintenance of paranormal beliefs have been raised in the literature. There is, however, a lack of studies designed to integrate the different perspectives. We reviewed the literature and explored a series of factors in a sample of 180 individuals. Seven variables showed significant correlation indices at α = .01. A regression analysis revealed subjective paranormal experience as the variable that contributed the most to the explanation of paranormal belief, z = .43, 95% confidence interval (CI) [.24, .56]. Need for achievement (z = .31, 95% CI [.11, to .46]), conditional reasoning (z = .10, 95% CI [.09, .28]), and schizotypy (z = .29, 95% CI [.09, .45]) also contributed significantly in the equation. The associations found between the subscales of the Needs Questionnaire and belief in the paranormal support the hipothesis that paranormal belief may serve basic psychological needs. Similarly, the association found in the case of schizotypy suggests that paranormal belief might be held within the context of psychopathology. There was no evidence, however, supporting the hypothesis of a reasoning deficit in believers. It was concluded that, once paranormal beliefs develop, there is an interaction between belief and experience that strongly contributes towards its maintenance.

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Definition and Dimensions of the Occult: Towards a Sociological Perspective

Cited by 30 publications

References 0 publications

Trust, Risk and Uncertainty

Trust, Risk and Uncertainty

Social Meanings of the Occult

Personality, cognition, and morbidity in the understanding of paranormal belief

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