De l’ajustement du Schwa en syllabe fermée dans la phonologie du français

Morin, Yves-Charles

doi:10.1075/lis.16.05mor

Cited by 20 publications

(20 citation statements)

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“…Schwa in French has a complex pattern of realization vs. non-realization, but it is beyond the scope of this paper to give an account of this pattern. The interested reader is referred to Anderson (1982), Basbøll (1978), Charette (1991), Morin (1987Morin ( , 1988, Noske (1984), van Oostendorp (1999) and Rialland (1986Rialland ( , 1999, among others.…”

Section: The French Segments 21 Segment Inventorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Markedness, Faithfulness, Vowel Quality and Syllable Structure in French

Féry

2003

French Language Studies

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The quality of vowels in French depends to a large extent on the kind of syllables they are in. Tense vowels are often in open syllables and lax vowels in closed ones. This generalisation, which has been called loi de position in the literature, is often overridden by special vowel-consonant co-occurrence restrictions obscuring this law. The article shows first that the admission of semisyllables in the phonology of French explains a large number of counterexamples. Many final closing consonants on the phonetic representation can be understood as onsets of following rime-less syllables, opening in this way the last full syllable. Arguments coming from phonotactic regularities support this analysis. The second insight of the article is that Optimality Theory is a perfect framework to account for the intricate data bearing on the relationship between vowels and syllable structure. The loi de position is an effect dubbed Emergence of the Unmarked, instantiated only in case no higher-ranking constraint renders it inactive.

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Section: The French Segments 21 Segment Inventorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Markedness, Faithfulness, Vowel Quality and Syllable Structure in French

Féry

2003

French Language Studies

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“…Schwa in CF falls more readily than in SF, and it does not maintain its vowel quality under heavy stress. CF data provide further support for an analysis distinguishing lexical schwas and rhythmic schwas (Dell 1973, Morin 1988, Montreuil 1994, where lexical schwas are traditionally deleted by obligatory rules and rhythmic schwas by optional rules constrained by a wide ränge of factors. The variance between CF and SF is evident for rhythmic schwas, thus confirming the prosodic differences between the two varieties of French.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 73%

“…It is a well-known fact of French phonology that schwa is stable after a consonant cluster and that in a closed syllable it is adjusted to a mid-low front unrounded vowel which is itself stable. Whether both phenomena should be handled by rule is largely debated (Basb011 1988, Morin 1988, Tranel 1988, but also Charette 1991. Inasmuch äs there is no alternation in (26a), it seems reasonable to assume that we are not dealing with an underlying schwa but with an underlying front rounded vowel.…”

Section: Heavy Syllablementioning

confidence: 99%

Schwa Metathesis in Cajun French

Lyche¹

1995

Folia Linguistica

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Although the phonology of schwa in Standard French has been extensively studied, the same is not true of many varieties of French, and in particular of Cajun French. This paper will focus on wordinitial metathesis, a widespread phenomenon of Cajun French. Word-initial metathesis occurs either after a consonant cluster (e.g. grenier-gernier 'attic') or after a single /r/ (e,g. retourner-ertourner 'to return'), in which case the conditioning environment is larger than the phonological word. I will show that the two phenomena are two aspects of the same process. I will first consider two nonlinear approaches to metathesis and show that they are both unable to explicitly point out the triggering force of the sonorant /r/. I will present a prosodic analysis where the initial syllable is degenerate in that it lacks a vocalic nucleus. Epenthesis of a vocalic segment will save the deficient syllable. Surface differences between the two types of metatheses will be attributed to weight distinctions within the French syllable. It will be claimed that epenthesis, a powerfül device which should be highly constrained, is well motivated in the present context because the segments involved fonn a natural phonetic class.

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“…A well-known instance of such a language is French. The distribution of schwa in French has been a topic of debate during virtually any period of time within the history of (generative) phonology (Anderson 1982;Basb0ll 1981Basb0ll , 1988Charette 1991;Dell 1973Dell /1985Durand 1976Durand , 1986Durand , 1990Morin 1982Morin , 1988Noske 1982Noske , 1988Noske , 1992Van Oostendorp 2000;Schane 1965Schane , 1968Schane , 1974Selkirk 1978Selkirk , 1982Tranel 1981Tranel , 1987Tranel , 1994.…”

Section: E-schwamentioning

confidence: 99%

Schwa in phonological theory

Oostendorp¹

2003

The Second Glot International State-of-the-Article Book

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De l’ajustement du Schwa en syllabe fermée dans la phonologie du français

Cited by 20 publications

References 0 publications

Markedness, Faithfulness, Vowel Quality and Syllable Structure in French

Markedness, Faithfulness, Vowel Quality and Syllable Structure in French

Schwa Metathesis in Cajun French

Schwa in phonological theory

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