Abstract:The air is, in many urban contexts, polluted. Governments and institutions monitor particles and gas concentrations to better understand how they perform in light of air quality guidance and legislation, and to make predictions in terms of future environmental health targets. The visibility of this data is considered crucial for citizens to manage their own health, and a proliferation of new informational forms and apps have been created to achieve this. And yet, beyond everyday decisions (when to use a mask o… Show more
“…Other authors [ 29 , 65 ] postulated that when studying the built environment, individual-level socioeconomic factors are more affordable predictors of air quality perception than objective measurements from monitoring stations. Usually, air quality data is not widely disseminated, and it is not straightforward to interpret [ 83 ]. In this regard, the sensitization to engage the population around air pollution problems is necessary to promote behavioral changes towards the air quality control strategies and the self-protection attitudes [ 34 ].…”
Air pollution in developing countries is a growing concern. It is associated with urbanization and social and economic structures. The understanding of how social factors can influence the perception and the potential impact of air pollution have not been addressed sufficiently. This paper addresses the social vulnerability and exposure to PM10 association and its influence on the air quality perception of residents in Mexicali, a Mexico–US border city. This study used individual variables and population census data, as well as statistical and spatial analyses. A cluster of socially vulnerable populations with high exposure to coarse particulate matter (PM10) was found in the city’s peripheral areas. The spatial distribution of the local perception of air quality varied by the exposure zones of the estimated PM10 concentrations. Respondents living in very high exposure areas perceive air quality as “poor,” contrarily to a worse perception in areas of intermediate and lower exposure to PM10. Proximity to stationary sources of pollution was associated with a poor perception of air quality. Results also indicate that low household income and poor air quality perceived at the place of residence negatively influences the perceived changes in the air quality over time. The knowledge of chronic health effects related to air pollution was scarce in the sampled population, especially in the areas with very high exposure and high social vulnerability. These findings can serve as a support in local air quality management.
“…Other authors [ 29 , 65 ] postulated that when studying the built environment, individual-level socioeconomic factors are more affordable predictors of air quality perception than objective measurements from monitoring stations. Usually, air quality data is not widely disseminated, and it is not straightforward to interpret [ 83 ]. In this regard, the sensitization to engage the population around air pollution problems is necessary to promote behavioral changes towards the air quality control strategies and the self-protection attitudes [ 34 ].…”
Air pollution in developing countries is a growing concern. It is associated with urbanization and social and economic structures. The understanding of how social factors can influence the perception and the potential impact of air pollution have not been addressed sufficiently. This paper addresses the social vulnerability and exposure to PM10 association and its influence on the air quality perception of residents in Mexicali, a Mexico–US border city. This study used individual variables and population census data, as well as statistical and spatial analyses. A cluster of socially vulnerable populations with high exposure to coarse particulate matter (PM10) was found in the city’s peripheral areas. The spatial distribution of the local perception of air quality varied by the exposure zones of the estimated PM10 concentrations. Respondents living in very high exposure areas perceive air quality as “poor,” contrarily to a worse perception in areas of intermediate and lower exposure to PM10. Proximity to stationary sources of pollution was associated with a poor perception of air quality. Results also indicate that low household income and poor air quality perceived at the place of residence negatively influences the perceived changes in the air quality over time. The knowledge of chronic health effects related to air pollution was scarce in the sampled population, especially in the areas with very high exposure and high social vulnerability. These findings can serve as a support in local air quality management.
“…As the modelling process highlighted, defining sites and spaces of exposure in relation to a stable human occupant risks ignoring complex urban geographies and in between spaces that can determine social differences in exposure, the subtle yet (as the scientific research that informs this article suggests) significant effects of dwelling differently, (e.g. that don't conform to the nuclear family model) and the everyday practices that might 'design' and transform the air (Zee, 2015; see also Calvillo and Garnett 2019). Domestic environments are clearly relevant for public health research around air pollution; however, by attending to bodies as generative of spaces through breathing, corollary questions can follow, about what spaces matter because of the bodies that live and breathe in them.…”
In this article, I materially situate air pollution exposure as a topic of social and political inquiry by paying attention to the increasing specificity of spaces and sites of exposure in air pollution and health research. Evidence of the unevenness of exposure and differential health effects of air pollution have led to a proliferation of studies on the risks different environments pose to bodies. There are increasingly different airs in air pollution science. In this research, bodies are often relegated to passive objects, exposed according to the environments they move between. Yet exposure implies a blurring of bodies and environments which also challenges the idea of a discrete body that is distinguishable from its material context. By studying the process of modelling indoor air pollution, I highlight how air pollution, buildings and bodies are co-implicated with one another in ways that demand new ways of materialising human exposure in science.
“…It grew and moved depending on the wind, making not only the quantity of the particles visible, but meteorological conditions too. In terms of the socialities or possible commons that it created, through an ethnography conducted by anthropologist Emma Garnett we realised how, instead of creating some sort of parliament of things or space for discussion about air pollution, the collectivity that took place below the mist was much closer to Berlant's proposition: people were one next to each other, engaged in different activities: asking questions about air pollution, playing, resting, chatting, meeting other people, taking selfies… I have argued with Garnett that this situation was articulated through "molecular intimacies" (Calvillo, Garnett, 2019), where a sense of intimacy Instead of creating some sort of parliament of things or space for discussion about air pollution, the collectivity that took place below the mist was much closer to Berlant's proposition.…”
Air pollution is making visible that we cannot take the air for granted, and the geoengineering projects that aim to clean it are not the solution. To claim the air as a global common might create a different type of awareness, and yet, what are the infrastructures needed to do so? After specifying how infrastructures and the commons might be imagined otherwise, the design, construction and encounters with the atmospheric infrastructure Yellow Dust will reveal how experimental infrastructures might not "solve the problem" of air pollution, but are opportunities to think on how to have a better air, as well as on how to (better) live in a shared world.
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