Cultural Modeling in Two Eras of U.S. Food Protest: Grahamites (1830s) and Organic Advocates (1960s–70s)

Abstract

This article extends theories of social movement diffusion to encompass other kinds of cultural modeling. Using a comparison of two cases of food protest in the United States-the health food movement of William Sylvester Graham (1830s) and the early organic movement (1960s-1970s)-I emphasize similarities in underlying grievances and in the general advocacy of natural food alternatives. The two movements differed dramatically, however, in framing and tactics. I focus on contrasts in the religious significance they assigned to diet, in their democratic commitments, in the relationship they constructed between personal transformation and social change, and in their use of state-centered strategies. These frames and tactics transposed to food reform more general scripts associated with cultural institutions and movements of the time, particularly evangelical churches and temperance (Grahamites), and environmentalism, the New Left, and the wider counterculture (organic advocates).

“Keeping our Mission, Changing our System”: Translation and Organizational Change in Natural Foods Co-ops

“…As “regional outposts of the countercuisine,” co‐ops distributed natural and organic foods to neophytes and seasoned consumers. They also served as clearinghouses for news about pesticides, industrial farming, animal rights, poverty, hunger, and a variety of other social issues (Belasco 1989; Haydu 2011).…”

Anti-Intellectualism and Natural Food: The Shared Language of Industry and Activists in America since 1830

“…4. For an overview on differences between Grahamites and counterculture organics advocates see Haydu (2011). 5.…”

“…Understanding the anti-intellectualism of diverse groups over time lets us probe the fractured cohesion of food discourse, and understand more precisely how it changes and stays the same. The rhyming rhetoric of American food reform has drawn attention from many scholars (Engs 2001;Haydu 2011;Levenstein 2012;Biltekoff 2013). In this journal, historians have described generations of white-bread-fearing, purity-conscious, history-minded activists.…”

Social movement organizations in the local food movement: linking social capital and movement support

“…As a result of these issues, advocates for a more sustainable food system have created formal and informal collectives of individuals to challenge the conventional food system. In contrast with the vertically integrated but socially disconnected conventional system, the local food movement is composed of networks of producers, processors, distributors, retailers, consumers, educators and organizations to promote culturally appropriate, socially just, environmentally conscious, and economically viable place-based food alternatives for communities and surrounding regions (Allen et al 2003;Starr 2010;Haydu 2011). For example, producer/consumer links can be found in direct marketing initiatives such as farmers' markets, value-based labeling, public outreach and education, and farm-to-school programs (Hinrichs 2000;Jarosz 2000;Barham 2002;Feenstra 2002;Allen 2004;Bell 2004).…”

“…As discussed in Chapter 1, alternative agri-food movement literature details the key functions of social movement organizations within the local food movement (Allen et al 2003). For example, organizations have helped farmers and communities to develop alternative agri-food initiatives to bolster sustainable local food systems through farmers markets, community supported agriculture, land conservation, local food access for low-income populations, and increased sustainability in agriculture in general (Starr 2010;Haydu 2011;Allen 2010;Flora 2009;Hinrichs and Allen 2008;Guthman 2008;Barham 2006;Allen 2004;Bell 2004;Allen et al 2003). These organizations are similar in both design and mission to other social movement organizations; they are formal organizations with the intent to counter the detrimental effects of the industrial food system.…”