Abstract:The article analyses Sweden as a critic and as a mediator and bridge-builder on the international arena since 1945. Some researchers have claimed that in the mid-1960s Sweden took on the role of critic at the expense of that of mediator. Was this true? Has Sweden's participation in international opinion-building had a negative effect on her usefulness as mediator or bridge-builder in international conflicts? And what role do the actions of a nation as critic play for the image of that state as an impartial med… Show more
“…In the interstate war between Iran and Iraq, the disputing parties accepted Swedish opposition leader Olof Palme to facilitate authoritative communications between the parties at the onset of the conflict. Although there were high degrees of hostility and fear between the parties, the acceptance of mediation was not a question under dispute (see for instance , Eknes 1989;Bjereld 1995). This sharply contrasts with the Sri Lankan conflict between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the government, where the Sinhalese government did not accept foreign involvement in what it considered a domestic issue for 17 years.…”
This paper examines the conditions under which warring parties will accept an outside party's offer to mediate. Specifically, we explore variation in the incentives for accepting third-party offers in interstate conflicts as compared to civil wars. We argue that since mediation in civil wars transfers legitimacy to the non-state actor and can generate a precedent of exceptions to the norm of sovereignty, the political cost associated with accepting international mediation will be substantially higher in civil wars compared to international conflicts. States should therefore only accept mediation in the most serious disputes, or when the costs of legitimizing an opponent are outweighed by the benefits of conflict resolution. Building on this theoretical reasoning, the paper analyzes the implications of differences in incentive structures between inter-and intrastate conflicts for offer and acceptance of mediation. We find an empirical discrepancy between interstate and civil wars in regard to demand-side (acceptance) of mediation, and to a somewhat lesser extent the supply-side (offer) of international mediation. In line with our argument, we find that the historical ties between the potential intermediary and at least one of the disputants play different roles in regard to acceptance of mediation in interstate compared to civil wars. This is important to take into consideration in the emerging debate on mediation bias.
“…In the interstate war between Iran and Iraq, the disputing parties accepted Swedish opposition leader Olof Palme to facilitate authoritative communications between the parties at the onset of the conflict. Although there were high degrees of hostility and fear between the parties, the acceptance of mediation was not a question under dispute (see for instance , Eknes 1989;Bjereld 1995). This sharply contrasts with the Sri Lankan conflict between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the government, where the Sinhalese government did not accept foreign involvement in what it considered a domestic issue for 17 years.…”
This paper examines the conditions under which warring parties will accept an outside party's offer to mediate. Specifically, we explore variation in the incentives for accepting third-party offers in interstate conflicts as compared to civil wars. We argue that since mediation in civil wars transfers legitimacy to the non-state actor and can generate a precedent of exceptions to the norm of sovereignty, the political cost associated with accepting international mediation will be substantially higher in civil wars compared to international conflicts. States should therefore only accept mediation in the most serious disputes, or when the costs of legitimizing an opponent are outweighed by the benefits of conflict resolution. Building on this theoretical reasoning, the paper analyzes the implications of differences in incentive structures between inter-and intrastate conflicts for offer and acceptance of mediation. We find an empirical discrepancy between interstate and civil wars in regard to demand-side (acceptance) of mediation, and to a somewhat lesser extent the supply-side (offer) of international mediation. In line with our argument, we find that the historical ties between the potential intermediary and at least one of the disputants play different roles in regard to acceptance of mediation in interstate compared to civil wars. This is important to take into consideration in the emerging debate on mediation bias.
“…In his article Lawler also discusses features of Swedish foreign policy such as an active foreign aid policy and an emphasis on 'peace, freedom and welfare' (Hook, 1995, p. 98;cited in Lawler, 1997, p. 569). Based on the work of Ulf Bjereld (1995), Lawler also refers to 'the roles of critic/opinion-builder and mediator/bridge-builder' as part of Sweden's exceptionalism (but see, also, Jerneck, 1993). More recently, Annika Bergman Rosamund has argued that Sweden was (or at least had been) an exceptionally internationalist state, and that this internationalismincluding strong support for developing countries via a generous foreign aid policyshould be understood as the international version of Sweden's domestic welfare policy (Bergman, 2007).…”
Section: An Exceptionally Internationalist Foreign Policy?mentioning
This paper focuses on Nordicness, i.e. the perception and recognition of a Nordic role in Swedish foreign policy. Based on a framework about security cultures, it identifies and analyses Nordicnessdefined in terms of role perceptionsin Swedish foreign and security policy. The analysis identifies three roles: internationalist leader during the period of active foreign policy in the latter part of the Cold War, Europeanized follower during the height of reorientation towards the EU and today's Nordic balancer. The analysis reveals how Nordicness recently began reappearing in a security environment characterized by increasing levels of tension. Compared to the Cold War period, shared Nordic norms and identity are less apparent today. Instead, the material security environment has become increasingly important. Recent increases in Nordicness in Swedish foreign policy have taken place in the context of a tenser security situation and have been associated with national security rather than a shared mission of internationalism. The article concludes that, in addition to internationalism, Nordicness has become a source of considerably more materialistic concerns.
In this article, the concept Normative Europeanization is developed from a synthesis of Normative Power Europe (NPE) and Europeanization. It is argued that NPE has focused too narrowly on the external relations of the European Union (EU), while Europeanization has focused on changes in policy structures. The synthesis developed here overcomes these shortcomings by emphasizing normative internal relations within the EU. Normative Europeanization is defined as a top-down process based on the logic of appropriateness, where states with a close relationship to the EU, i.e. candidate and member states, develop a commitment to a European centre and their normative point of departure is changed. It is argued here that a process of normative Europeanization affects candidate countries and new EU members especially where pro-European norms are diffused through different mechanisms. The theoretical argument is illustrated through a case study on Swedish foreign policy reorientation during the 1990s. The empirical analysis is structured around two ideal types: internationalist foreign policy and normatively Europeanized foreign policy. Based on this analysis, it is concluded that Swedish foreign policy has undergone strong normative Europeanization.
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