Crime and Support for Democracy in Africa and Latin America

Fernandez, Kenneth E.; Kuenzi, Michele

doi:10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00802.x

Cited by 82 publications

(89 citation statements)

References 58 publications

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“…There, recent crime victims consistently appear less satisfied with democracy (p < .001), yet at the same time they are neither more nor less likely to find democracy preferable to dictatorship or to believe that democracy is the best form of government. These Latinobarómetro results are consistent with Fernandez and Kuenzi (2010). 40 Crime victimization might affect attitudes differently in democracies and nondemocracies, so I repeat these regressions using only data from countries with Freedom House scores of three or better.…”

Section: Implications For Democracysupporting

confidence: 80%

“…In these results, the relationship between victimization and disapproval of one-party rule is no longer statistically significant. Victimization is associated with support for military rule, as well as a negative relationship between victimization and preferences for democracy, though both these coefficients have p < .1. contrast to Fernandez and Kuenzi (2010), 41 this article does not find any evidence of a consistent relationship between crime victimization and rejection of democracy in Africa.…”

Section: Implications For Democracycontrasting

confidence: 80%

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Crime Victimization and Political Participation

2012

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C rime victimization is an important cause of political participation. Analysis of survey data from five continents shows that individuals who report recent crime victimization participate in politics more than comparable nonvictims. Rather than becoming withdrawn or disempowered, crime victims tend to become more engaged in civic and political life. The effect of crime victimization is roughly equivalent to an additional five to ten years of education, meaning that crime victimization ranks among the most influential predictors of political participation. Prior research has shown that exposure to violence during some civil wars can result in increased political participation, but this article demonstrates that the effect of victimization extends to peacetime, to nonviolent as well as violent crimes, and across most of the world. At the same time, however, crime victimization is sometimes associated with dissatisfaction with democracy and support for authoritarianism, vigilantism, and harsh policing tactics, especially in Latin America.

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Section: Implications For Democracysupporting

confidence: 80%

Section: Implications For Democracycontrasting

confidence: 80%

Crime Victimization and Political Participation

2012

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“…Since crime-democracy relationship is not a new phenomenon. A significant amount of literature have been studied to find out the relationship between crime rates 3 and central governments/democracies (Wantchekon and Yehoue 2002;Fernandez and Kuenzi 2010).…”

Section: Macroeconomic Determinants Of Crime Causationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Dynamic Reflections of Crimes, Quasi Democracy and Misery Index in Pakistan

et al. 2016

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Massive increase in crimes has coexisted with rising inflation and high unemployment for the last couple of decades especially during democratic governments in Pakistan. In this paper, we explore the relationship between crime rate, misery index and democracy in Pakistan from 1975 to 2013. Granger causality test proposed the unidirectional causality running from misery index to crime rate in Pakistan. Estimating the crime function via Pasaran's conditional error correction model, we found the significant long run equilibrium relationship between Okun's misery index and crime rate which implies that rising inflation and unemployment rate are the major driving forces towards increasing crime rates in Pakistan. Finally, empirical evidence from Okun's misery index suggested that people are three times more miserable in quasi democratic periods than that of dictatorship. The Barrow's misery index model verifies that people are twice worsening in quasi democratic periods. Likewise, reported crimes are nearly twice during quasi democracy than quasi dictatorship. The crime model provided the evidence that people during quasi democratic governments are more likely tending towards crime as compared to quasi dictatorship during the study period in Pakistan. This implicitly advocates the fact that half hearted efforts and ill structured apparatus of democracy can augment the tendency of crime and misery rather than solution of such concerns of the economy.

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“…At first glance, we would expect that, ceteris paribus, someone who is the direct victim of a crime would be less likely to support the president. There is, after all, sufficient evidence showing that crime victimization negatively affects a victim's trust in government institutions (Ceobanu et al 2011;Corbacho et al 2012;Cruz 2008;Fernández and Kuenzi 2010;Pérez 2003) and that victims of crime find government messages less credible (Romero et al 2015). There is also evidence showing a decrease in political participation due to increases in crime in the case of Mexico (Ley 2013;Trelles and Carreras 2012).…”

Section: Direct Victimizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Presidential Approval and Public Security in Mexico's War on Crime

Romero¹,

Magaloni

Díaz-Cayeros

2016

Lat. Am. polit. soc.

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To fight criminal organizations effectively, governments require support from significant segments of society. Citizen support provides important leverage for executives, allowing them to continue their policies. Yet winning citizens' hearts and minds is not easy. Public security is a deeply complex issue. Responsibility is shared among different levels of government; information is highly mediated by mass media and individual acquaintances; and security has a strong effect on peoples' emotions, since it threatens to affect their most valuable assets-life and property. How do citizens translate their assessments of public security into presidential approval? To answer this question, this study develops explicit theoretical insights into the conditions under which different dimensions of public security affect presidential approval. The arguments are tested using Mexico as a case study.T his study analyzes the impact that citizens' assessments of security issues have on presidential approval. Specifically, it delves into the specific conditions that prompt citizens to punish or reward the chief executive. Little is known about the impact public security issues have on presidential approval. The bulk of the literature has focused on analyzing the impact of the economy and foreign affairs on an executive's job approval. 1 The relationship between crime and performance evaluations has usually been the domain of local politics. However, due to the significant increase in crime and violence in many countries around the globe, the responsibility for public security has partially shifted away from local governments toward the national sphere of government.

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Crime and Support for Democracy in Africa and Latin America

Cited by 82 publications

References 58 publications

Crime Victimization and Political Participation

Crime Victimization and Political Participation

Dynamic Reflections of Crimes, Quasi Democracy and Misery Index in Pakistan

Presidential Approval and Public Security in Mexico's War on Crime

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