Crabgrass-Roots Politics: Race, Rights, and the Reaction against Liberalism in the Urban North, 1940-1964

Sugrue, Thomas J.

doi:10.2307/2082186

Cited by 93 publications

(23 citation statements)

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“…15 As racial barriers to residential mobility break down, the neighborhoods that are most accessible to African Americans are those inhabited by working class Whites. 62 Similarly, a greater proportion of smokers within the working class could account for the unexpected finding of greater smoking prevalence during pregnancy among African-American women living in low poverty vs. high poverty MSAs.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Associations Between Residential Segregation and Smoking During Pregnancy Among Urban African-American Women

et al. 2007

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Approximately 10% of African-American women smoke during pregnancy compared to 16% of White women. While relatively low, the prevalence of smoking during pregnancy among African-American women exceeds the Healthy People 2010 goal of 1%. In the current study, we address gaps in extant research by focusing on associations between racial/ethnic residential segregation and smoking during pregnancy among urban African-American women. We linked measures of segregation to birth certificates and data from the 2000 census in a sample of US-born AfricanAmerican women (n=403,842) living in 216 large US Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs). Logistic regression models with standard errors adjusted for multiple individual observations within MSAs were used to examine associations between segregation and smoking during pregnancy and to control for important sociodemographic confounders. In all models, a u-shaped relationship was observed. Both low segregation and high segregation were associated with higher odds of smoking during pregnancy when compared to moderate segregation. We speculate that low segregation reflects a contagion process, whereby salutary minority group norms are weakened by exposure to the more harmful behavioral norms of the majority population. High segregation may reflect structural attributes associated with smoking such as less stringent tobacco control policies, exposure to urban stressors, targeted marketing of tobacco products, or limited access to treatment for tobacco dependence. A better understanding of both deleterious and protective contextual influences on smoking during pregnancy could help to inform interventions designed to meet Healthy People 2010 target goals.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Associations Between Residential Segregation and Smoking During Pregnancy Among Urban African-American Women

et al. 2007

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“…Not necessarily because all were illiberal or anti-New Deal, but because legislation on social and economic issues in an industrial society could not fail to touch the irritant of race. At the end of the war, obvious tension existed between the requisites of a newly industrialized economy and the capacity of political institutions to meet altered demands in a racially mixed, urban, modernizing society (Polenberg 1972;Vatter 1985;Goodwin 1994;Sugrue 1995). Without capitulating on "race," Truman's legislative agenda was gridlocked.…”

Section: Conclusion and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Race, Social Welfare, and the Decline of Postwar Liberalism: A New or Old Key?

Williams

Johnson

2000

Public Administration Review

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Fifty‐one years ago, when liberalism and social welfare democracy were expanding in all advanced industrialized nations, V.O. Key, Jr., forecast the decline of postwar liberalism in the United States. Current discussion of the decline of liberalism has ignored Key or, when evidence is lacking, has incorrectly cited him. In contrast to Key's relatively direct, simple, and heavily documented reasoning, current explanations are multifactorial, complex, less well documented, and often ideologically loaded. Some explanations for the “postwar” decline identify causal factors more than six years after the war, yet they ignore events in 1945–47. At the fifty‐first anniversary of V.O. Key's Southern Politics in State and Nation, attention to Key's forecast and Occam's razor is called for. Key argued that racism in the South, exerted through congressional committees, would lead to a decline of liberalism in the nation. Using “legislative histories,” this article compares Key's single‐factor “racial” explanation with a two‐factor explanation—and by implication with multifactor ones—and finds Key's more compelling and parsimonious. Archival sources indicate that more than two years before the 1948 Democratic Convention, Charlie Ross, Truman's closest advisor, and Truman himself encouraged Key to assess the emerging postwar politics of the South. As Key anticipated, institutionalized racism sunk the Fair Deal and postwar social democracy, despite Truman's efforts. The effects of racism on postwar and current politics and public administration should be reexamined as a key to understanding American distinctiveness or exceptionalism.

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“…Most often, White law enforcement officials stood by and did little or nothing to prevent such actions. Thus, even while fitful progress was being made in the desegregation of public schools, housing remained largely racially segregated and a volatile issue for both local and national elected officials (Kivisto, 1986;Sugrue, 1995).…”

Section: War Work and Changing Demographicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Psychologists, Race, and Housing in Postwar America

Pickren

2011

Journal of Social Issues

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Housing in postwar America became a critical focal point for issues of race and social equality. Housing and race relations became a real‐world laboratory for psychologists and other social scientists, including several of the leaders of Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues, to examine developing theories of intergroup relations, especially as potential means to reduce prejudice. Further, it is argued that psychologists sought to impact emerging housing policy and to ameliorate an enduring social problem. The author concludes that the efforts by social scientists to provide workable solutions, typically from an unacknowledged place of White privilege, proved largely ineffective.

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Crabgrass-Roots Politics: Race, Rights, and the Reaction against Liberalism in the Urban North, 1940-1964

Cited by 93 publications

References 0 publications

Associations Between Residential Segregation and Smoking During Pregnancy Among Urban African-American Women

Associations Between Residential Segregation and Smoking During Pregnancy Among Urban African-American Women

Race, Social Welfare, and the Decline of Postwar Liberalism: A New or Old Key?

Psychologists, Race, and Housing in Postwar America

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