Abstract:Although sociology of organizations never banned emotions from its field of inquiry, first the sociology of emotions elevated them to central research objects. Disparate research on various types of enterprises shows that both managers and employees are much more emotional than most scientists would care to admit. Under constant pressure not to display their fears, anxieties or worries, they have to balance a mixture of emotions attending solidarity and competition with their peers. Whereas managerial roles ac… Show more
“…Affect refers to the inextricable interplay of body and mind, corporeal and cognitive dispositions, of rational cognition and affective evaluation, of being affected and affecting others. In contrast to Massumi's () seminal work on affects we regard affects as bodily expressions which are always related to discursive contexts, socially produced, learnt and governed by social rules (Flam, ; Scheer, ; Wetherell, ). Additionally, the concept of affective labour differs from emotional labour introduced by Hochschild () as it contextualizes affects in the transformation of economies from material labour towards informatization of production and immaterial labour in the Global North.…”
Section: Enacting the State Affective Labour And Gender: Theorizing mentioning
The restructuring of state bureaucracies into service organizations and the new welfare state paradigm of activation have changed the work requirements of front‐line workers in public employment agencies across Europe. Public employment agents are less engaged in bureaucratic labour, but have to perform service work. They use affective means to motivate and to monitor and sanction jobseekers. This article provides evidence that these transformations in Austria, Germany and Switzerland did not suspend the gendering of public service work. We discovered four typical modes of affectively enacting the state: both male and female employment agents follow feminized service work patterns or masculinized entrepreneurial norms. To prevent a possible loss of their professional status, some employment agents reinterpret affective labour as professional service work that demands high expertise. Others resist the activation paradigm by performing traditionally feminized care work or by still adhering to affect‐neutral male bureaucratic work.
“…Affect refers to the inextricable interplay of body and mind, corporeal and cognitive dispositions, of rational cognition and affective evaluation, of being affected and affecting others. In contrast to Massumi's () seminal work on affects we regard affects as bodily expressions which are always related to discursive contexts, socially produced, learnt and governed by social rules (Flam, ; Scheer, ; Wetherell, ). Additionally, the concept of affective labour differs from emotional labour introduced by Hochschild () as it contextualizes affects in the transformation of economies from material labour towards informatization of production and immaterial labour in the Global North.…”
Section: Enacting the State Affective Labour And Gender: Theorizing mentioning
The restructuring of state bureaucracies into service organizations and the new welfare state paradigm of activation have changed the work requirements of front‐line workers in public employment agencies across Europe. Public employment agents are less engaged in bureaucratic labour, but have to perform service work. They use affective means to motivate and to monitor and sanction jobseekers. This article provides evidence that these transformations in Austria, Germany and Switzerland did not suspend the gendering of public service work. We discovered four typical modes of affectively enacting the state: both male and female employment agents follow feminized service work patterns or masculinized entrepreneurial norms. To prevent a possible loss of their professional status, some employment agents reinterpret affective labour as professional service work that demands high expertise. Others resist the activation paradigm by performing traditionally feminized care work or by still adhering to affect‐neutral male bureaucratic work.
“…8 Aspects of this conceptualization are hardly novel, such as the notion that institutions can be analyzed in terms of the patterns of social relations that they encompass or in terms of cultural or discursive patternings (although the latter idea is perhaps not accepted across the board). But parallel arguments in terms of matrices of emotional transactions are much less common, at least in explicit and systematic form (for prominent exceptions in sociology and organizational analysis, see Hochschild 1983;Taylor 1995;Albrow 1997;Flam 2002; see also Emirbayer and Goodwin 1996;Emirbayer and Sheller 1999). It is our contention, nevertheless, that even established, institutionalized bundles of (political) practices include a constitutive emotional dimension, that they incorporate the latter very much into their own makeup and cannot be adequately understood in abstraction from it.…”
We aim to show how collective emotions can be incorporated into the study of episodes of political contention. In a critical vein, we systematically explore the weaknesses in extant models of collective action, showing what has been lost through a neglect or faulty conceptualization of collective emotional configurations. We structure this discussion in terms of a review of several "pernicious postulates" in the literature, assumptions that have been held, we argue, by classical social-movement theorists and by social-structural and cultural critics alike. In a reconstructive vein, however, we also lay out the foundations of a more satisfactory theoretical framework. We take each succeeding critique of a pernicious postulate as the occasion for more positive theorybuilding. Drawing upon the work of the classical American pragmatists-especially Peirce, Dewey, and Mead-as well as aspects of Bourdieu's sociology, we construct, step by step, the foundations of a more adequate theorization of social movements and collective action. Accordingly, the negative and positive threads of our discussion are woven closely together: the dismantling of pernicious postulates and the development of a more useful analytical strategy.We are concerned here with the role of collective emotions in episodes of political contention. We set forth new ways of conceptualizing and analyzing these emotional configurations and propose an agenda for future empirical research. The literatures that we address concern social movements and collective action. For reasons of space, we do not systematically discuss other closely related work-for example, the study of revolutions, ethnic mobilizations, democratization, or nationalismbut consider our ideas to have significant implications for these literatures as well and occasionally refer to substantive writings from them in developing our theoretical arguments. It is because social movements never occur simply within a vacuum but always engage with a wide range of other institutional and extra-institutional forces that we use the phrase "episodes of political contention" to denote the focus of our analysis. As we conceive it, political contention is "episodic rather than continuous, occurs in public, involves interaction between makers of
“…Since The Managed Heart, the study of the social lives of emotions has expanded greatly. Sociologists have talked about managing emotions like shame (Stein 2001), pride (Britt and Heise 2000), fear (Flam 2002;Walsh 2009), anger (Cancian and Gordon 1988;Gottschalk 2003), love (Jackson 1993), joy (Gottschalk 2003), and grief (Charmaz 1997;Lofland 1985). Jackson (1993), for example, explores cross-cultural constructions of love, arguing that this emotion cannot be understood independently from the sociohistorical context from which it is experienced.…”
Section: The Nexus Of Emotion Work and Identity Workmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Within the field of sociology in the last thirty years, we have finally begun to pay attention to the power of emotions. We have talked about managing emotions like shame (Stein ), pride (Britt and Heise ), fear (Flam ; Walsh ), anger (Cancian and Gordon ), love (Jackson ), and grief (Charmaz ; Lofland ). Certainly, we have explored sexuality (Collins ; Epstein ; Gamson and Moon ; Nagel ; Plummer ; Seidman ; Stein ) and intimacy (Giddens ; Holmes ; Jamieson ), but we have talked very little about the interconnected feelings of desire and lust (for one rare exception, see Green ).…”
Drawing from semistructured interviews with gay, celibate Christians or “Side B” individuals, I explore the emotion of desire. I specifically attend to these questions: How do Side Bs interpret and communicate feeling rules connected to desire? How do these individuals manage desire? How might feeling rules and conceptualizations of this feeling serve as an important source of boundary heightening? Finally, how might shared feeling rules create connection with others who do not identify as Side B? By attending to these questions, I illustrate the relationship between the conceptualization of an emotion and a set of feeling rules and emotion management strategies. I also highlight how such rules and strategies can serve as a source of boundary heightening, or alternatively, as a bridge between seemingly disparate groups.
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