Constructing the Discourse on the Eurozone Crisis in the Czech Republic: Presidents Václav Klaus and Miloš Zeman Compared

Marek, Dan; Meislová, Monika Brusenbauch

doi:10.2478/pce-2022-0003

Cited by 3 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…From a methodological point of view, this contribution can be categorised as a qualitative research study. That means it uses qualitative content analysis (Mayring, 2014;Schreier et al, 2019), which is widely used in political science for discourse-and speech act-oriented research (Hameleers, 2020;Janičatová & Mlejnková, 2021;Marek & Meislová, 2022;Meislová & Buckledee, 2021).…”

Section: Methodology and Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

On Gender and Illiberalism: Lessons From Slovak Parliamentary Debates

Zvada

2022

PaG

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This study offers a comprehensive, in-depth analysis of Slovak illiberal anti-gender parliamentary discourse based on a unique dataset consisting of 85 parliamentary speeches. It presents who the main actors are in terms of the illiberal anti-gender discourse in Slovakia and which narratives they postulate. It also considers if there is any variation in the identified narratives. The qualitative content analysis covered several critical anti-gender narratives in the rhetoric of illiberal parties. I argue that the occurrence and range of anti-gender narratives within the Slovak parliamentary illiberal discourse are diverse, and this diversity varies in the ideological background of the analysed parties. While some of the more traditional Christian conservative parties, such as the KDH, and new populist parties such as OĽaNO or Sme Rodina, have articulated gender primarily as a threat to Slovak Catholics, Christianity, traditional marriage, and families, others like the nationally conservative-oriented SNS or the Smer-SD have stressed the loss of national sovereignty and legal aspects around the Istanbul Convention, and utilized this topic to strengthen their Eurosceptic rhetoric. Finally, the far-right K-ĽSNS has used an eclectic approach combining all found anti-gender narratives while using the most abusive language towards transgender persons and other sexual minorities.

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Section: Methodology and Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

On Gender and Illiberalism: Lessons From Slovak Parliamentary Debates

Zvada

2022

PaG

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“…Pekař, 1990; Urban, 1995). The reappropriation of the Czech question provided fuel and legitimacy to the presidential performances of the last three decades: Havel’s full embrace of (Broklová, 1995) and the Klaus-Zeman bloc to unravel the Czech rationalist, pro-Western, and anti-Russian orientation (Cuhlova & Nesiba, 2023; Mortkowitz, 2017; Marek & Meislová, 2022; Samorukov, 2018).…”

Section: Historical-structural Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Running in Place: “Czeching” out the W/E(a)stern Performative Presidential Geoprostitution

Hynek,

Moravec

2023

Alternatives: Global, Local, Political

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This article attempts to explain the Czech Republic’s geopolitical vacillation between the West and East over the past three and half decades. We tie this behavior, where one orientation never prevails permanently, to the continuity of political elites from the communist to the post-communist periods. In addition to general relevance, we discuss its implications for the country’s recent reaction to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The focal points of this analysis are the geopolitical discourses and practices of three consecutive presidents: Václav Havel, Václav Klaus, and Miloš Zeman, each marking a decade in the Czech presidential office. We provide a historical-structural context to show that the Czech case has been an important example of a small state with its security continuously compromised by the hierarchical penetrations of great powers: Nazi Germany, the USSR/Russia, and most recently, China and the United States. Yet, as we demonstrate, the Czech Republic cannot be considered a stereotypical victim with mixed-sovereignty agreements being imposed on it. We present the three presidents in their active roles of geopolitical architects vis-à-vis the great powers as well as the Czech government. Heuristically, we conceptualize presidential foreign-and-security activities as performative geoprostitution. We show that for Havel, the primary act of geoprostitution was institutionalizing a civilizational client-patron relationship between a small state and a superpower (the United States). In contrast, not only was Klaus and Zeman’s performative geoprostitution different due to its Eastern orientation, but it was motivated by their self-importance and desire to carve out political legacies and greased by corrupted business interests.

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