Conservatives Who Are Not so Conservative and Liberals Who Are Not so Liberal Ideology, Policy Preferences, and Value Orientations

Jin, Jang Seung

doi:10.30992/kpsr.2020.03.19.1.129

Cited by 1 publication

(2 citation statements)

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“…I recoded 1–4 as conservative and 8–11 as liberal and included two separate dummy variables, one for conservative and the other for liberal. In the South Korean context, conservatives value a collective identity more than an individual identity, economic growth over the distribution of wealth, hawkish attitudes toward the North Korean regime rather than conciliatory ones, and deference to authority over egalitarian attitudes (Jang 2020; Kim 2017; Lee and Lee 2014). I included age, hometown, political cynicism, whether they voted for Park in 2012, household income, and education as the control variables, following studies analyzing South Korean voting behaviors (e.g., Hur 2019; Kim and Park 2018; Yoon 2017).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…I recoded 1-4 as conservative and 8-11 as liberal and included two separate dummy variables, one for conservative and the other for liberal. In the South Korean context, conservatives value a collective identity more than an individual identity, economic growth over the distribution of wealth, hawkish attitudes toward the North Korean regime rather than conciliatory ones, and deference to authority over egalitarian attitudes (Jang 2020…”

Section: Surveymentioning

confidence: 99%

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A Trailblazer or a Barrier? Dynastic Politics and Symbolic Representation of the First Female President of South Korea, Park Geun-hye

Lee

2022

Pol & Gen

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What is the impact on symbolic representation of female leaders who are seen as failures? Do women from political dynasties elicit symbolic representation? I answer these questions by analyzing how Park Geun-hye’s election as the first woman president of South Korea and her subsequent impeachment shaped voters’ perceptions of women’s potential and contribution as political leaders. Utilizing an original survey and focus groups, I argue that South Korean voters overall did not recognize Park’s election as the country’s first female president as a symbol of women’s political empowerment because of her dynastic background and her failure to promote women-friendly policies. Although she received credit for being the historic first, women across the political spectrum were concerned that the epic failure of the first female president would reinforce voters’ reluctance to vote for women. This study emphasizes the importance of adopting an intersectional approach in studying symbolic representation.

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