“…Studies have for example suggested that crises can trigger more EU integration to address shared challenges, leading to new policies or more delegation of powers to EU institutions in a variety of different policy fields affected by crisis (Cross and Karolewski 2017;Mény 2014;Majone 2005;Genschel and Jachtenfuchs 2014;Schmitter 1970). In fact, the EU has already responded to developments such as the Ukraine crisis by further strengthening EU foreign and security cooperation (Cross and Karolewski 2017;Howorth 2018, 523-537;Riddervold 2018;Smith 2018b, 605-620), by claiming to take the global lead in the fight against climate change (Cross 2018, 571-586), by remaining committed to uphold the Iran Nuclear Accord, and it is strengthening its ties with China in support of the global, liberal economic order. Theoretically, the possibility that crises weaken transatlantic relations could for example be in line with Unravelling EU-US relations EU unable to agree internally.…”
Section: Framework: Crises and Eu-us Relationsmentioning
Ties between the US and the EU rival those between any other pair of international actors. This Special Issue makes conceptual progress and empirical contributions in accounting for if and how EU-US relations have been impacted by a context of multiple crises and a parallel change in US policies. All the articles find strong evidence to suggest that EU-US relations are weakening. This is partly a consequence of the EU's own, internal policies, as it becomes more unified and autonomous of the US in some areas, while fragmenting in others. Most importantly, it is a consequence of the two actors' increasingly diverging perspectives and positions on international issues, institutions, norms and indeed the value of the transatlantic relationship as such. Although the longterm effects remain to be seen, it is likely that the cracks in the foundation of transatlantic relations will continue into the present and foreseeable future.CONTACT Marianne Riddervold marianne.riddervold@inn.no,
“…Studies have for example suggested that crises can trigger more EU integration to address shared challenges, leading to new policies or more delegation of powers to EU institutions in a variety of different policy fields affected by crisis (Cross and Karolewski 2017;Mény 2014;Majone 2005;Genschel and Jachtenfuchs 2014;Schmitter 1970). In fact, the EU has already responded to developments such as the Ukraine crisis by further strengthening EU foreign and security cooperation (Cross and Karolewski 2017;Howorth 2018, 523-537;Riddervold 2018;Smith 2018b, 605-620), by claiming to take the global lead in the fight against climate change (Cross 2018, 571-586), by remaining committed to uphold the Iran Nuclear Accord, and it is strengthening its ties with China in support of the global, liberal economic order. Theoretically, the possibility that crises weaken transatlantic relations could for example be in line with Unravelling EU-US relations EU unable to agree internally.…”
Section: Framework: Crises and Eu-us Relationsmentioning
Ties between the US and the EU rival those between any other pair of international actors. This Special Issue makes conceptual progress and empirical contributions in accounting for if and how EU-US relations have been impacted by a context of multiple crises and a parallel change in US policies. All the articles find strong evidence to suggest that EU-US relations are weakening. This is partly a consequence of the EU's own, internal policies, as it becomes more unified and autonomous of the US in some areas, while fragmenting in others. Most importantly, it is a consequence of the two actors' increasingly diverging perspectives and positions on international issues, institutions, norms and indeed the value of the transatlantic relationship as such. Although the longterm effects remain to be seen, it is likely that the cracks in the foundation of transatlantic relations will continue into the present and foreseeable future.CONTACT Marianne Riddervold marianne.riddervold@inn.no,
“…The result of this claim was the launch of the Triton Operation by the Union through the Frontex agency, by Rome, that substituted Mare Nostrum but seemed particularly different. In fact, the Triton Operationin which 26 Member States took part -was more a borders control mission, with a range of activity more narrow to the Italian shores and with a substantially lower budget of €2.9 per month (Riddervold 2018).…”
Section: The Migration Emergency Towards Europe: a Challenge From Thementioning
The migration crisis involving Europe is a many-sided phenomenon, from the beginning causing significant security challenges for all the countries and international organizations concerned. At the centre of this problem, the migratory routes through the Mediterranean Sea appear to be of peculiar relevance because of the increasing number of illegal trafficking in human beings and alleged terrorism suspects arriving in an uncontrolled way to Europe. As facts have subsequently shown, the European Union (EU) was not prepared to meet this challenge, either on the humanitarian or the security side. Nevertheless, ever since its first attempt to give a common response to the migration emergencythrough the Agenda signed in May 2015the EU was aware that tackling security threats in the Mediterranean waters would be an essential part of the problem. Weeks after, a European Union Mediterranean Naval Force (EUNAVFOR MED) was thus launched, with specific objectives. As a military operation, on one side it was devoted to improving "search and rescue actions" at sea; on the other, it would try to contrast the traffickers" illegal business in human beings, patrolling the area. This paperfollowing an international history perspective and with its specific research methodologyintends to provide an overview of the activity of the Operation Sophia with its potentials and limits. Moreover, the analysis aims at defining the political design at the base of a mission, its weak and contradictory mandate, its operational but also political role, underlining how even a pragmatic instrument like a military operation cannot be left alone to provide security, but needs to play a specific role within the framework of a more comprehensive migration strategy by the European Union to prove itself effective and not a mere corollary.
“…The involvement of the EU with Operation Sophia challenges the commonly held assumption that the EU will act as a "soft power" at sea. 78 Nevertheless, since the launch of Operation Atalanta, and the adoption of the Integrated Maritime Policy, maritime security has been one of the fastest growing areas of EU security integration.…”
Section: Heading Towards a Better Csdp Integration?mentioning
Analysis of the results of EUNAVFOR MED Operation Sophia since the beginning of its activities in June 2015, aiming to assert the level of achievement of its goals and conclude whether the establishment of a military operation was the best option to tackle a humanitarian crisis, as well as what have been the outcomes of the Operation for migrant mobility and for the actors involved, in particular, to the European solidarity system. The overview of the data presented by EUNAVFOR MED Operation Sophia helps to draw considerations for the future of the EU when dealing with future similar crises, not only affecting Europe, but in any country taking in consideration the migratory exodus happening, for example in South America these days, and that may be extended internationally. Is in this cases, where people flee from their origin countries seeking for shelter, when we must be aware of the necessary guarantee of Human Rights.
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