Coming to Believe “Truths” About Islamist Radicalization in Europe

Pisoiu, Daniela

doi:10.1080/09546553.2012.659361

Cited by 20 publications

(22 citation statements)

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“…Pisoiu (2013) argues for the importance of intentional and developmental factors, including the emergence of new trans-cultural identities and generational change [37,46] and social experiences and discursive interactions [65], rather than the traditional focus on socioeconomic and structural factors such as economic and political grievance, to more comprehensively understand violent Islamic radicalization. Given only 20% of the radicalized terrorists were influenced by extremist Islamic preachers or spiritual leaders, the potential threat from the online radicalization process through social media in the new digital age needs to be better understood for effective public policy approaches.…”

Section: Radicalizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Tweeting propaganda, radicalization and recruitment

Chatfield

Reddick

Brajawidagda

2015

Proceedings of the 16th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research

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Islamic State (IS) terrorist networks in Syria and Iraq pose threats to national security. IS' exploitation of social media and digital strategy plays a key role in its global dissemination of propaganda, radicalization, and recruitment. However, systematic research on Islamic terrorist communication via social media is limited. Our research investigates the question: How do IS members/supporters use Twitter for terrorism communication: propaganda, radicalization, and recruitment? Theoretically, we drew on microeconomic network theories to develop a theoretical framework for multi-sided Twitter networks in the global Islamic terrorist communication environment. Empirically, we collected 3,039 tweets posted by @shamiwitness who was identified in prior research as "an information disseminator" for the IS cause. Methodologically, we performed social network analysis, trend and content analyses of the tweet data. We find strong evidence for Shamiwitness-intermediated multi-sided Twitter networks of international mass media, regional Arabic mass media, IS fighters, and IS sympathizers, supporting the framework's utility.

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Section: Radicalizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Tweeting propaganda, radicalization and recruitment

Chatfield

Reddick

Brajawidagda

2015

Proceedings of the 16th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research

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“…Se han realizado diversas revisiones sistemáticas en torno a la radicalización política (Wilner y Dubouloz, 2011y 2010Borum, 2011aBorum, y 2011bChristmann, 2012;Kleinmann, 2012;Pisoiu, 2013;Hafez y Mullins, 2015;Klausen et al, 2016;Scarcella et al, 2016;McCauley y Moskalenko, 2017); empero, aún se dista de un consenso, pues la mayoría de los modelos no han sido sometidos a investigaciones exhaustivas (Borum, 2011b: 46) y además presentan deficiencias metodológicas (Kleinmann, 2012: 281).…”

Section: Socialización Y Radicalización Políticaunclassified

Socialización y radicalización política en militantes del Partido Comunista del Perú–Sendero Luminoso (PCP-SL)

Malvaceda-Espinoza

Herrero

Correa

2018

conrec

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Este artículo analiza el proceso de socialización y radicalización política en militantes del Partido Comunista del Perú-Sendero Luminoso, quienes participaron del conflicto armado interno en Perú en los años de 1980 a 2000. Así, mediante un diseño fenomenológico, se les realiza 16 entrevistas en profundidad, a las cuales se les efectúa un análisis de contenido con el soporte del software especializado Atlas.ti 7.5. Los resultados permiten identificar niveles de socialización macro, meso e individuales. Del mismo modo, se detectaron factores causales y circunstancias catalizadoras que influyen y desencadenan la radicalización. Se concluye que no existen causales directos, sino una escalada extremista que cruza por distintos niveles de socialización, con énfasis en los niveles meso e individual, y que expuesta a circunstancias catalizadoras sea por vía racional o emotiva conduce a la radicalización política.

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“…Such a model, however, has yet to be discovered. And volumes of existing research cast doubt on the notion that increased religiosity or piety in turn increases the probability of supporting or carrying out terrorist violence (Berger 2014;Fair et al 2012;Pisoiu 2013;Tessler and Robbins 2007;Zhirkov et al 2014).…”

Section: Radicalism In the Ethno-religious Narrativementioning

confidence: 99%

From Nomadic Traditionalists to Sedentary Scripturalists?

Tromble

2016

Problems of Post-Communism

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Religion and ethnicity are inextricably linked in discourse within and about Central Asia. One common narrative suggests that as a result of differences between historically sedentary and nomadic populations, ethnic Tajiks and Uzbeks are naturally more religious and more likely to radicalize than their Kazakh and Kyrgyz neighbors. Using extensive data available from the Pew Research Center's 2012 The World's Muslims survey, this study examines whether such claims stand up to empirical scrutiny. The data cast doubt on simplified versions of this discourse and suggest that future analyses should focus attention on individual-level explanations rather than potentially essentializing group-based narratives. Religion and ethnicity have long been linked to one another in Central Asian public discourse. Since independence, state leaders have used Islamic identity as a tool of nation-building (Peyrouse 2007). Discourse concerning religious identity is also used to distinguish various Muslim ethnic groups from one another-that is, to differentiate Kyrgyz from Uzbeks, Kazakhs from Tajiks, and so on (Biard 2010; McBrien and Pelkmans 2008; Tromble 2014). And yet the connection between Islamic observance and ethnicity encompasses two common claims that are at best questionable, at worst dangerous. The first of these claims-that ethnic Tajiks and Uzbeks are naturally more religious than Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, and Turkmen-draws on a longstanding historical narrative suggesting that Islam developed in its "purest" form among settled communities, while nomadic Muslims adulterated the faith by incorporating "traditional" elements of "shamanistic" practice. Not only does this narrative problematically essentialize Islam, but it requires us to presume that such broad historical tendencies continue to have a clear-cut effect to this day, even as nomadism has dwindled (Privratsky 2001). The second claim-that by virtue of their religiosity, Tajiks and Uzbeks are more likely to radicalize and actively support violence in the name of Islam-is even more worrisome, as it is often used to justify state monitoring and repression of these groups. Systematic evidence for both of these claims is also sparse. The first is most commonly supported by observational anecdotes wherein piety is assessed on the basis of a single or narrow range of characteristic(s), such as frequency of prayer or mosque attendance. The validity of the second claim typically relies on references to a very small number of high-profile cases of violence in the region as well as arrest records of so-called "extremists," records that are notorious for their bias. Deploying a rich set of survey data recently released by the Pew Research Center, this study seeks to explore the validity of the ethnicity-religiosity-radicalism nexus in greater depth. Drawing on 4,708 face-to-face interviews with self-identified Muslims in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, Pew's 2012 The World's Muslims dataset represents the largest-scale crosscountry survey undertaken in the region...

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Coming to Believe “Truths” About Islamist Radicalization in Europe

Cited by 20 publications

References 0 publications

Tweeting propaganda, radicalization and recruitment

Tweeting propaganda, radicalization and recruitment

Socialización y radicalización política en militantes del Partido Comunista del Perú–Sendero Luminoso (PCP-SL)

From Nomadic Traditionalists to Sedentary Scripturalists?

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