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Latin American governments are increasingly adopting mano dura initiatives to combat gangs, organized crime, and insecurity. While mano dura has been a concept of increasing empirical interest, there seems to be limited conceptual clarity about the wide spectrum of strategies developed to combat crime and associated fear. This article proposes a definition of mano dura that has three different dimensions, each of them containing specific elements. The form of mano dura depends on formal, informal, and rhetorical practices. Drawing on 46 scholarly works in the social sciences, we develop our definition anchored in the knowledge of Latin American policing strategies, contributions on responses to crime in the region, and the conceptual development literature. With the purpose of supplementing our effort to standardize the usage of the term with the need to retain a degree of conceptual differentiation, we also offer a stylized model to better classify policing strategies in Latin America. In our stylized model, the numerous ways policies and narratives as well as their implementation (or not) interact can be grouped into four broad categories: full mano dura, institutional mano dura, performative mano dura, and covert mano dura.
Latin American governments are increasingly adopting mano dura initiatives to combat gangs, organized crime, and insecurity. While mano dura has been a concept of increasing empirical interest, there seems to be limited conceptual clarity about the wide spectrum of strategies developed to combat crime and associated fear. This article proposes a definition of mano dura that has three different dimensions, each of them containing specific elements. The form of mano dura depends on formal, informal, and rhetorical practices. Drawing on 46 scholarly works in the social sciences, we develop our definition anchored in the knowledge of Latin American policing strategies, contributions on responses to crime in the region, and the conceptual development literature. With the purpose of supplementing our effort to standardize the usage of the term with the need to retain a degree of conceptual differentiation, we also offer a stylized model to better classify policing strategies in Latin America. In our stylized model, the numerous ways policies and narratives as well as their implementation (or not) interact can be grouped into four broad categories: full mano dura, institutional mano dura, performative mano dura, and covert mano dura.
Nearly a million people from El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala have been internally displaced in recent years, and hundreds of thousands more have fled to Mexico, the United States, Canada, and Europe. An extensive literature provides evidence that direct and structural violence are the principal drivers of this phenomenon. Largely unexamined is the way in which the governments of the region contribute to and in certain critical respects create the conditions that underlie this mass human movement. Exploration of this gang-related forced displacement and irregular migration reveals the role of absent, repressive, and criminalized state postures and the corresponding neglect of the lower-income sectors as contributors to the crisis. Casi un millón de habitantes en El Salvador, Honduras y Guatemala han sido desplazados internamente en los últimos años, y cientos de miles más han huido a México, Estados Unidos, Canadá y Europa. Una extensa literatura muestra que la violencia directa y estructural han sido los principales impulsores de este fenómeno. Sin embargo, no se ha examinado la forma en que los gobiernos de la región contribuyen y, en ciertos aspectos críticos, generan las condiciones que subyacen este masivo movimiento humano. Una exploración de dicho desplazamiento forzado y migración irregular ligados a la violencia pandillera nos revela el papel que cumplen las posturas estatales ausentes, represivas y criminalizadas, así como el correspondiente abandono de los sectores de bajos ingresos como contribuyentes a la crisis.
Belize has one of the highest homicide rates in the world; however, the gangs at the heart of this violence have rarely been studied. Using a masculinities lens and original empirical data, this article explores how Blood and Crip “gang transnationalism” from the United States of America flourished in Belize City. Gang transnationalism is understood as a “transnational masculinity” that makes cultural connections between local settings of urban exclusion. On one hand, social terrains in Belize City generated masculine vulnerabilities to the foreign gang as an identity package with the power to reconfigure positions of subordination; on the other, the establishment of male gang practices with a distinct hegemonic shape, galvanized violence and a patriarchy of the streets in already marginalized communities. This article adds a new body of work on gangs in Belize, and gang transnationalism, whilst contributing to theoretical discussions around the global to local dynamics of hegemonic masculinities discussed by Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) and Messerschmidt (2018).
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