Collective self and individual choice: The effects of inter‐group comparative context on environmental values and behaviour

Abstract

Self-categorization theory suggests that inter-group comparisons inform individual behaviour by affecting perceived in-group stereotypes that are internalized by group members. The present paper provides evidence for this chain of effects in the domain of environmental behaviour. In two studies, inter-group comparative context was manipulated. Study 1 found that the perceived in-group stereotype, self-stereotype (as represented by the reported value centrality), and behavioural intentions shifted away from a comparison out-group (irrespective of whether this was an upward or downward comparison). Study 1 also revealed that the effect of comparative context on individual environmental intentions was mediated by the perceived in-group stereotype and by changes in personal values. Study 2 extrapolated the observed effect on actual behavioural choices. The findings demonstrate the utility of a self-categorization approach to individual behaviour change.

Global Climate Change: A Social Identity Perspective on Informational and Structural Interventions

“…Salience had no effect on liberals who reported strong climate-friendly beliefs and support across conditions. In addition, Rabinovich, Morton, Postmes, and Verplanken ( 2011 ) varied the intergroup context to examine its influence on sustainable behaviour. In their work, British participants were asked to write down the ways that being British differed from being Swedish (an upward climate action comparison) or from being American (a downward climate comparison).…”

Seeing our self reflected in the world around us: The role of identity in making (natural) environments restorative

“…For example, research from this perspective has shown that (a) identity is fluid and context-dependent (e.g., Onorato & Turner, 2002); (b) social forces (e.g., comparative contexts, intergroup relations) shape how individuals understand the defining features of groups (e.g., Haslam, Turner, Oakes, McGarty, & Hayes, 1992), including those to which they belong (e.g., Simon, 1992), and this has consequences for how they understand their self and act on that basis (e.g., Rabinovich, Morton, Postmes, & Verplanken, 2012), and; (c) people's evaluations of, and emotional reactions to, other people, information, ideas, and events varies as a function of how these things reflect and contribute to their own salient sense of identity (e.g., Dumont, Yzerbyt, Wigboldus, & Gordijn, 2003;Häusser, Kattenstroth, van Dick, & Mojzisch, 2012;Haslam, Jetten, O'Brien, & Jacobs, 2004;Mackie, Worth, & Asuncion, 1990;Morton, Haslam, Postmes, & Ryan, 2006;Schmitt, Silvia, & Branscombe, 2000).…”

It's political: How the salience of one's political identity changes climate change beliefs and policy support

“…Social identities may be more or less chronically salient but cues from the social context can heighten the salience of a social identity (Turner et al, 1994). The provision of comparative information about relevant outgroups (e.g., Haslam et al, 1995, Rabinovich et al, 2012, Tarrant and Butler, 2011 and questions that prime people to focus on a particular identity (e.g., Haslam et al, 1999) are examples of contextual cues that can make identity salient. When a particular social identity becomes salient, the norms of that identity provide guidance about how to think, feel, and act (Hornsey, 2008), especially when people are highly identified with that identity (Fielding et al, 2008, Terry et al, 1999, Ellemers et al, 1999.…”