1996
DOI: 10.1515/tlir.1996.13.3-4.219
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Cliticization as prosodic integration: The case of Dutch

Abstract: In this paper it is argued that the phonological behavior of clitics should not be accounted f or by assuming a special prosodie category "Clitic Group ". Clitics are integrated into the preceding or the following prosodie word. As far as Dutch is concerned, it appears that proclitics behave like prefixes, and are Chomskyadjoined to the following prosodie word, whereas enclitics behave like suffixes, and form part of the last foot of the preceding prosodie word. In most cases, there is a general preference for… Show more

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Cited by 114 publications
(94 citation statements)
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“…I propose a two-level Optimality Theory (OT) analysis (Prince andSmolensky 1993, Kiparsky 2000) of these data, in which the existence of two levels can handle the opaque interaction, and a combination of prosodic structure constraints and segmental constrains accounts for the attested variation. I will compare my analysis to two previous accounts for these data, those of Booij (1995Booij ( , 1996Booij ( , 1997 and . Booij's work is formulated in the framework of rule-based Lexical Phonology, while that of Grijzenhout and Krämer is a singlelevel OT theory.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 94%
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“…I propose a two-level Optimality Theory (OT) analysis (Prince andSmolensky 1993, Kiparsky 2000) of these data, in which the existence of two levels can handle the opaque interaction, and a combination of prosodic structure constraints and segmental constrains accounts for the attested variation. I will compare my analysis to two previous accounts for these data, those of Booij (1995Booij ( , 1996Booij ( , 1997 and . Booij's work is formulated in the framework of rule-based Lexical Phonology, while that of Grijzenhout and Krämer is a singlelevel OT theory.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 94%
“…For more detailed discussion of these and other processes, as well as a general overview of Dutch phonology, I refer the reader to Booij (1995).…”
Section: Regressive Voice Assimilationmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…In more recent constraint-based approaches, lexical and postlexical levels have been assumed to account for some Dutch voicing phenomena (Booij 1996), and other linguists propose context-specific faithfulness constraints for a few cases of final devoicing and voicing assimilation (e.g. Lombardi 1995Lombardi , 1996.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…McCarthy (1998) proposed that the output candidate [von.t,k] wins because it is sympathetic to a loosing candidate [vont] and being 'sympathetic' outranks being faithful to the input form /vond/. McCarthy bases himself on Booij (1995Booij ( , 1996 who assumes that in the case of a stem plus a following vowel-initial clitic, the stem-final obstruent is devoiced at the lexical level. The stem-final obstruent is resyllabifies after the clitic is added at the postlexical level in order to avoid syllables without onsets:…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%