Civil society in contemporary Italy: theory, history and practice

International migration and the rise of the ‘civil’ nation

“…Its intellectual resilience, though, is confirmed by the fact that it was already anticipated in previous classical studies on Italian democracy and society (Banfield 1958, Almond andVerba 1965) and that it continues to permeate contemporary debates on Italian national character (Tullio-Altan 1997, Ginsborg 2013). Yet, moving from the politological to the historiographical and from the civic to the civil, a different picture seems to emerge.…”

‘The constitution of political membership’: Punishment, political membership, and the Italian case

“…Some citizens may turn to the law and legality as the fallback solution to the absence of compelling political narratives, and in the presence of political corruption. This is indeed the trajectory that Massimo Pavarini (1994;Ginsborg, 2013) traces for the Italian Left in the 1990s, and is a dynamic that is thought to engender a 'punitive potential' in Italy (Gallo, 2015: 612;Sciarrone and Storti, 2015). However, other citizens may choose to resolve conflicts via the informal norms of existing 'intermediate orders', suggesting if not outright 'resistance' then perhaps 'refusal' of, or 'indifference' to (Loader, 2008: 406), the criminal law as a solution to social conflict.…”

“…Commentators judge that corruption has not abated in Italy since then (Rhodes, 2015: 320). Moreover, though public opinion has not been consistent in its support for anti-corruption (2015: 320), Tangentopoli (and the conflict between judicial and political classes that it enflamed) has contributed to citizens’ distrust of political and economic elites (Ginsborg, 2013: 284; Vannucci, 2009: 258). A 2016 survey reveals, for example, that only 6 per cent of those interviewed had ‘much or very much trust’ ( ‘molta o moltissima’ fiducia ) in political parties, 11 per cent in Parliament, and 20 per cent in ‘the State’ as a whole (Diamanti et al, 2016: 8).…”

“…Some citizens may turn to the law and legality as the fallback solution to the absence of compelling political narratives, and in the presence of political corruption. This is indeed the trajectory that Massimo Pavarini traces for the Italian Left in the 1990s (1994;Ginsborg, 2013), and is a dynamic that is thought to engender a 'punitive potential' in Italy (Gallo, 2015: 612;Sciarrone and Storti, 2015).…”

Democrazia e sfera pubblica in Italia

“…Secondo Ginsborg, due elementi hanno contribuito al rafforzamento della società civile in Italia: il primo è la crescita ininterrotta di una borghesia colta; il secondo è la presenza continua di un ben definito avversario della società civile, Berlusconi, il cui tentativo di dominio culturale e politico ha spinto un numero significativo di persone in associazioni e in piazza. 19 Diversamente da Forgacs, Ginsborg non è interessato ai "cattivi" partecipanti nella società civile, ma guarda invece alle classi medie colte urbane che contrasta con quelle appartenenti al settore autonomo orientato al mercato. Questa borghesia riflessiva o critica è quella che ha dimostrato nelle piazze ed è stata impegnata nel processo di opposizione al sistema tradizionale, anche se Ginsborg si rende conto che, dopotutto, le dimostrazioni sono sporadiche, i manifestanti spesso si ritirano definitivamente dalla mischia, e la generazione cresciuta tra il 1980 e il 2000, gli anni di Bettino Craxi e Berlusconi, ha preso poca parte alla società civile.…”