Circumstantial Alliances and Loose Loyalties in Rebellion Making: The Case of Tuareg Insurgency in Northern Niger (2007-2009)

Guichaoua, Yvan

doi:10.2139/ssrn.1559196

Cited by 3 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…Even before decolonisation, officials admitted their inability to control smuggling (Arditi 2003, Thompson 2009). After independence, when rebellions, civil wars and insurgencies created new demands, insurgents took an active hand in the illicit trade, both as the suppliers and buyers of weapons, ammunition, vehicles and other supplies (Pierre and Quandt 1995, Lecocq and Schrijver 2007, Guichaoua 2009). Today the commodities found in these markets include cigarettes, narcotics, and illegal immigrants shipped northwards (Brachet 2005, Walther 2009).…”

Section: Governed Spaces: the Sahel And Saharamentioning

confidence: 99%

Abductions, kidnappings and killings in the Sahel and Sahara

Graham

Charles²

2011

Review of African Political Economy

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Hostage-takings in North and West Africa are nothing new. What is new is the assigning of blame to al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and the level of resources Western powers commit to fighting AQIM and other extremists in the region. History shows that the simplified ill-defined fear of a united Islamic front against the West was unfounded. Today, however, Westerners continue to view the motivations behind such actions without considering three fundamental issues. First, who should, or can, effectively ‘govern’ the Sahara and its fringes. Second, by defining the problems as a rising pan-Islamic front, the implementation of hard-power tactics is not questioned. Finally, any consideration of the long-term disparities in the region is postponed in lieu of dealing with hostage-takings or attacks on Western targets. In reality the Sahara and Sahel are contested territories. Ideological and personal divisions are numerous. AQIM and other Jihadi Salafist movements are not popular with the regions' inhabitants. Most practice Sufi forms of Islam which are distant from such extremism. There is little attention to identifying the problems of poverty, creating state integration, and solving the problems that arise from foreign intervention. With the agenda of national leaders and/or international actors focusing on fighting terrorism or mineral resource extraction, a few inhabitants in the region kidnap foreign nationals for ideological reasons, quick money or both. The potential for hostage-taking for money is, at best, a tenuous strategy for the few.

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Section: Governed Spaces: the Sahel And Saharamentioning

confidence: 99%

Abductions, kidnappings and killings in the Sahel and Sahara

Graham

Charles²

2011

Review of African Political Economy

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show abstract

“…Once again these actions were done without the consent of, participation in, or compensation to the various pastoral groups living and dependent on the natural resources in the North (Guichaoua 2009). If these concessions bear fruit as these various multinationals expect, further development will impinge, block and further dispossess Nigerien pastoral groups, in addition to Malian and Algerian herders who seasonally visit to utilise pasture and wells in the Tamesna.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Tandia regime suppressed an uprising in the Aïr Region in 2004/5 and fought a dirty little war against a larger collective resistance called the Mouvement des nigériens pour la justice (MNJ) from 2007 to 2009 (Keenan 2008, Guichaoua 2009). The MNJ consists primarily of the Tuareg, the major ethnic group displaced and dispossessed through uranium mining over the past 40 years.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Tandia needed GWOT assistance to protect the mining operations and uranium convoys coming from Arlit and Akokan. Infuriated with the lack of local development and denial of local participation in the management of this resource, the MNJ attacked military installations and mining operations in 2007 and 2008, (Guichaoua 2009). Propaganda coming from Niamey labels the rebels as bandits, thugs and illicit drug traders with close ties to terrorist organisations in the Sahara (Lecocq and Schrijver 2007).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…They already know, but for some reason have kept their grievances internal. Tandia brought the Tuareg rebels to a stalemate by late 2008 but squandered GWOT assistance and uranium revenues on the war in the North (Guichaoua 2009). This created a large atmosphere of criticism by other groups in the South for neglecting development (Massalatchi 2009).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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A congruence analysis of the inequality–conflict nexus: Evidence from 16 cases

Bartusevičius

2017

Conflict Management and Peace Science

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The relationship between inequality and civil conflict has attracted considerable interest in conflict research. Recent large -N studies have shown that inequalities significantly contribute to the outbreak of civil conflict and have proposed a number of causal pathways to account for this. These pathways, however, have rarely been assessed in systematic case-based research. This study implements a “middle -N” qualitative congruence analysis of 16 conflicts, focusing on the observable implications of the pathways through which inequalities are typically theorized to influence conflict. The study finds evidence to support some of the main pathways proposed in the quantitative literature. Furthermore, the analysis finds that different types of inequalities relate to different conflict categories. Specifically, vertical inequalities relate to non-ethnic governmental conflicts (via an “individual deprivation pathway”), regional inequalities to non-ethnic territorial conflicts (via a “separatist pathway”), and horizontal inequalities to ethnic conflicts (via a “group deprivation pathway”).

show abstract

Circumstantial Alliances and Loose Loyalties in Rebellion Making: The Case of Tuareg Insurgency in Northern Niger (2007-2009)

Cited by 3 publications

References 13 publications

Abductions, kidnappings and killings in the Sahel and Sahara

Abductions, kidnappings and killings in the Sahel and Sahara

What the Nigerien coup d'état means to the world

A congruence analysis of the inequality–conflict nexus: Evidence from 16 cases

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