What the Nigerien coup d'état means to the world

Graham, Franklin Charles

doi:10.1080/03056244.2010.530951

Cited by 6 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…There are a number of examples of this practice. The Nigérien government, for example, initially blamed the Mouvement des Nigériens pour la Justice (MNJ), a politico-military organisation fighting for greater autonomy in northern Niger, for the FowlerGuay abduction (BBC News Africa 2008, Graham IV 2010). Morocco persists in labelling the Polisario, Western Sahara's independence movement, as a gang of criminals, smugglers and cohorts with terrorist organisations (Ousman 2004, Zoubir andBenabdallah-Gambier 2005).…”

Section: Governed Spaces: the Sahel And Saharamentioning

confidence: 97%

Abductions, kidnappings and killings in the Sahel and Sahara

Graham

Charles²

2011

Review of African Political Economy

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Hostage-takings in North and West Africa are nothing new. What is new is the assigning of blame to al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and the level of resources Western powers commit to fighting AQIM and other extremists in the region. History shows that the simplified ill-defined fear of a united Islamic front against the West was unfounded. Today, however, Westerners continue to view the motivations behind such actions without considering three fundamental issues. First, who should, or can, effectively ‘govern’ the Sahara and its fringes. Second, by defining the problems as a rising pan-Islamic front, the implementation of hard-power tactics is not questioned. Finally, any consideration of the long-term disparities in the region is postponed in lieu of dealing with hostage-takings or attacks on Western targets. In reality the Sahara and Sahel are contested territories. Ideological and personal divisions are numerous. AQIM and other Jihadi Salafist movements are not popular with the regions' inhabitants. Most practice Sufi forms of Islam which are distant from such extremism. There is little attention to identifying the problems of poverty, creating state integration, and solving the problems that arise from foreign intervention. With the agenda of national leaders and/or international actors focusing on fighting terrorism or mineral resource extraction, a few inhabitants in the region kidnap foreign nationals for ideological reasons, quick money or both. The potential for hostage-taking for money is, at best, a tenuous strategy for the few.

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Section: Governed Spaces: the Sahel And Saharamentioning

confidence: 97%

Abductions, kidnappings and killings in the Sahel and Sahara

Graham

Charles²

2011

Review of African Political Economy

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“…The extent to which a technology transforms pastoralists depends on both diffusion and employment of the technology. (Benjaminsen, 2008;Guichaoua, 2009;Graham IV, 2010). The teshumara, although not representative of all Kel…”

Section: Pastoral Resilience and Transformationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…African nations like Morocco, Mali and Niger use such military aid to increasingly subjugate their political opponents, in many cases coming from customary pastoral groups (Berschinski, 2007;Graham IV, 2010). Though brief, Mali conducted military operations in and around Tin Zaouetin, near the Algerian Border, in January 2009.…”

Section: Chapter Two: the Bowl Is Broken Pastoral Resilience To Develmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Niamey took a hard line against the MNJ (Sehmer and Welsh, 26 July 2008;Thurston, 2010), including blame for the Robert Fowler abduction (J. Smith, 13 January 2009;Graham IV, 2010), and only agreed to peace talks after two years of fighting exhausted both sides. Since most MNJ, Ibrahim Bahanga"s men and Polisario come from pastoral families and were trained in the military service of Maghreb and Sahelian countries, it is difficult to envisage a close allegiance to extremists.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Contests over pastoralism in the southern Sahara and northern Sahel

Graham¹

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West African pastoral groups (Arab, Tuareg, Toubou, and Fulani) experience contests both within their society, and, with outside agents regarding state integration, land use and development. Pastoral leadership, neighboring sedentary groups, national governments, multinational corporations, aid organizations, and academia all influence the paths pastoralists take in their relationship with the environment, the markets they return to, the animals the shepherd, and the non-pastoral opportunities they pursue, to name a few. The social relations that exist between pastoralists and outsiders can essentially coalesce or break apart pastoral society, depending on the actions taken by the various actors mentioned. The outcomes of pastoral fragmentation have various consequences on the region"s ecology, economy and security. The conflicts that fragment pastoralists and the actions they take to reconfigure their society are the central themes of this dissertation. The interplay between climatic crises, the increasing imposition of external controls, and a constant shrinking of a disputed commons brings pastoralists into conflict with outsiders and, with each other. The first part of this dissertation outlines, from colonial times to present, the relations pastoral groups have experienced with colonial powers, African independence leaders, aid workers, and now Western militaries and terrorists. The second part looks within Arab, Tuareg, Toubou, and Fulani society to understand the fluidity in which pastoralists move back and forth between herding and non-herding activities to maintain social cohesion and identity as pastoralists. The final part is an exploratory remote sensing investigation of the customary pastures of the Tuareg groups in northeastern Mali. Observations in this vegetation change detection study indicate a spatial differentiation between resources near the Niger River and those in more remote, drier regions of the study area. The changing relations of outside actors, the strategies taken by pastoralists to maintain their identity, and the changing dynamics of natural resources sometimes subtly, other times dramatically, fragments pastoral society. Yet, pastoralists continue to reconfigure, rebound and maintain resilience despite the changes among and, around them. iii DEDICATION This work is dedicated to the nomadic and sedentary communities of Iferouāne, Assodé, Gougaram, Tîmia, Aguelal, Nguigmi, Ngourti, Agadem, and others in the northern and eastern regions of Niger who I met but was not allowed to interview because of the 2007-2009 Rebellion. Your stories, though unheard for the moment, are worth telling and will be sought out by other researchers and myself when the situation resolves. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the local Arab and Kel Tamasheq (Tuareg) communities of Gao and Ménaka, Mali for their willingness to share their challenges and hospitality bestowed to me during my visits in 2006-2008. Financial support comes from the National Science Foundation"s DDRI grant (No. 0622892). Othe...

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